Wednesday, January 30, 2008

The Great Louis Terkel. (You know him as Studs.)

January 30, 2008

Re: The Great Louis Terkel. (You know him as Studs.)

Dear Colleagues:

I recently read a memoir by Studs Terkel, who is now 94 years old, I believe. Though I grew up in his city, Chicago, in the 1940s and 1950s, when he already was pretty well known there, I can’t remember having known much about him then. That is a reflection of the ignorance of a kid, plus the milieu in which I grew up. But I learned a good deal about him reading his memoir, Touch And Go, and some of what I read was particularly interesting to me.

One has read upon occasion that there is a Chicago style of writing. It is said to consist of an erudite use of language coupled with street talk or obscenity. This coupling, minus true erudition, often marks my own speech and writing. Some relations and friends, who are not used to the Chicago style, do not like it at all. My response is unprintable (unless you’re from Chicago).

Terkel’s memoir is of this genre. There is high flown language, sophisticated thoughts, and cursewords. Terkel says of James T. Farrell, author of the Studs Lonigan trilogy, that he “was among the first to have captured the argot of Chicago streets, South Side Irish. He caught the language, the idiom, that Chicagoesque quality.” Terkel likewise has captured “that Chicagoesque quality.”

Some of Terkel’s Chicagoesque is excruciatingly funny. I actually got tears in my eyes laughing at one episode. To tell of it, and of how Terkel sets the stage for it, I shall simply quote him, since it is impossible to do justice by mere descriptive paraphrase. I hope I violate no copyright by quoting two pages worth of Terkel - - all that can happen, really, is that readers of this post are more likely to buy his book.

Terkel went through a period when he was regularly watched and investigated by the FBI because he was a man of the left, which in those days meant you would be closely watched by Jedgar Hoover’s boys, as a possible dangerous commie. The Eff Bee Eye would come to Terkel’s house, call him up, and so on. He sets the stage by describing visits to his house:

I myself was hospitable at all times. I seated them. I offered them choices of Scotch or bourbon. I had triple shots in mind. Invariably, they refused. Once, I suggested vodka, making it quite clear it was domestic. I thought I was quite amusing. At no time did our visitors laugh. Nor did my wife. I felt bad. I did so want to make them feel at home. I never succeeded.

They had questions in mind. They frequently consulted small notebooks. They hardly had the chance to ask any of their questions. It wasn’t that I was rude. On the contrary; I simply felt what I had to tell them was far more interesting than what they had to ask me.

I read Thoreau to them; his sermon on John Brown. Passages out of Walden. Paine. I told them these are times that try men’s souls. And so on. We hold these truths, I even tried out on them. Nothing doing. Their attention wandered. They were like small restless boys in the classroom, wiggling in their seats. At times, I showed them where the bathroom was and asked if they wanted any reading matter. No, they didn’t. I have done some of my most exploratory reading there, I told them. No response.

After several such visits, with a notable lack of response on their part, my patience, I must admit, did wear thin. On one occasion, a visitor took out his notebook and studied it. Our son, five years old at the time, peered over his shoulder. The guest abruptly shut the book. The boy was startled.

“Why did you do that?” I asked.

“He was peeking in my book.”

“He’s five years old.”

“This is government information.”

“Is it pornographic?”

“I don’t know what you’re talking about.”

Isn’t it fit for a child to see?

“This is serious.”

“Does it have dirty words or dirty pictures.”


“Does it? Come on, be a sport, lemme see. I won’t show it to the kid.”

With the determined step of an FBI man, he stalked toward the door. He had trouble with the lock. I opened it. “One for the road?” I was determinedly hospitable. He walked out without so much as a thank-you. His colleague followed suit, step by step.

Terkel then describes the last time he heard from the FBI, in a phone call from one Martin Shea, who, in a very funny scene, underwent a form of telephonic meltdown during the call due to Terkel’s responses.

The last time I heard from the FBI was a good twenty-five years ago. It was a telephone call. I was not in the best of moods. In sorting through my records, preparing for my disc jockey program, I had dropped a 78 rpm. It smashed into a million pieces. It was a collector’s item: “Joe Louis Blues.” Lyrics by Richard Wright. Vocal by Paul Robeson. Accompaniment, Count Basie and his band. I was furious as I answered the phone.

“Are you Louis Terkel, known as Studs?”

“Yeah!” Damn my clumsiness.

“This is Martin Shea, FBI.” It was a rich, stentorian bass. Strong, firmly American.

“Cut the shit. Who is it? Eddie?” I was in no mood for badinage.

“Shea of the FBI.” A note of uncertainty. An octave higher than before. A baritone.

“Fer Chrissake, don’t fuck around! Jimmy, ya sonofabitch!”

“I’m Shea of the FBI.” An intimation of tremolo. A tenor.

“Look, you cocksucker! I’m not in the mood. I just broke a valuable record. Understand?”

“I’m Shea of the FBI!” Another octave up. A mezzo-soprano. I was quite certain it was he. My fury, though, was uncontrollable. All the more so because it was he.

“Look, fucko. Keep this up and I’ll kick the shit out of ya!”

Really! I’m so flabby I can’t swat a mosquito.

The voice was higher now. It was a countertenor. No, it was a despairing falsetto. A castrato, that was it.

“I’m Shea of the FBI!”

“You prick . . .”

A click. He had hung up. From Feodor Chaliapin to Alfred Deller. It was a remarkable piece of virtuosity, surpassing even Yma Sumac. That was the last I heard from the FBI. Oh well.

This phone scene is, to me, classic Chicagoesque: sixty four dollar words and names like stentorian, badinage, tremolo, countertenor, castrato, Feodor Chaliapin and Yma Sumac mixed with words like sonofabitch, fucko, cocksucker, shit and prick. How wonderfully Chicagoesque. How I do miss hearing on a regular basis that kind of mixed speech, the speech of part of my long ago youth.

A related linguistic point arises from Terkel’s book. There were, in the old days, common forms of expression whose use has languished, almost died out, though they are wonderfully descriptive. Very occasionally, with a shock of recognition, one still hears them used, invariably by guys who are nearing their 70s or are even older. One of my favorites has always been a phrase used to describe someone who is thoroughly dishonest: he is said to lie, cheat and steal. Another favorite was used by Terkel. It is a phrase that means something can or will or has happened in a whole variety of different ways or, sometimes, just to mean that something has or will happen a lot: It happens “eight ways from Sunday” is the phrase. Terkel uses it to describe a triple revolution in the United States in the 1960s, one of the three revolutions being “the advancing ability to wipe out the planet eight ways from Sunday.” Just so. Mankind does have the ability to wipe out everything and everyone eight ways from Sunday, and we seem to be advancing down at least a couple of those eight avenues. The old phrase Terkel used is wonderful and apt.

There are also the interrelated questions of income, self regard, and collective action in a capitalist society whose 24-7 emphasis on money, fostered by Milton Friedman and Ronald Reagan, causes a person of low or no income to be regarded as, and, even worse, to regard himself as, someone of little worth -- causes him to question his own ability and/or his own worth as a person. This is a terrible, terrible thing, but is a phenomenon that widely exists and can destroy a human being. Terkel writes of it.

In the late 1940s and early ’50s Terkel had a TV program, “Stud’s Place,” which was doing well and was broadcast nationally from Chicago. His program was suddenly cancelled because he was a man of the left and had picketed a petroleum company. Here is what he says of the self doubt created by the experience:

During the blacklist, you’re not working for a time, you start thinking maybe you ain’t got something you thought you had. I knew my work troubles were for political reasons, but the situation seemed somewhat hopeless. There’s something that’s interesting psychologically, moments when you feel self-doubt: that is, was your talent there to begin with? Maybe you’re not that good.

Later in the book he writes of what “ My friend Virginia Durr said about the Depression:”

People started to blame themselves. The preacher was saying, “You shouldn’t have bought that second radio. You shouldn’t have bought that secondhand car.” People started thinking, “this is America; if I were good, I’d be behind that mahogany desk. I’m not smart enough, I’m not tough enough, I’m not strong enough, I’m not energetic enough. Therefore, I hold my hat in my hand with my head slightly bowed.”

Which feeds the belief that you don’t count. (Emphases in original.)

In connection with regarding oneself badly, Terkel speaks of people feeling they don’t count and of overcoming the feeling of helplessness by joining with others. “When people feel they don’t count,” he says, “they are lost. What’s left? Get as much as you can for yourself and forget the rest.” In short, let personal greed rule and to hell with others. On the other hand, in collective action -- collective action which can make one count -- there can be protection from this descent into purely selfish, wholly narcissistic greed. Terkel quotes Nicholas Von Hoffman on this and then extends the point:

The journalist Nick Von Hoffman worked with Saul Alinsky for a while and said: “Once a person joins a group, a demonstration or a union, they’re a different person.” That particular fight may have succeeded or failed, but you realize there’s someone who thinks as you do, and so you become stronger as a result, no matter what the outcome. You count!

There is extensive wisdom and great current pertinence in all this. We live in a time when millions upon millions of us think we don’t count. Only the big money on Wall Street and in big business counts: Only the people who lie, cheat and steal unbelievable sums from scores of millions of small fry count. They, and only they, get what they want. The politicians are only bums who are bought off by these people. One after another we have economic disasters (and educational shortcomings) in which the small fry are raped, while a war wanted by only a few accurses the nation and the whole of its mood. So many millions upon millions of people have lost jobs in the last two or two and a half decades, have found themselves on the street and have lost their pride. Collective action to remedy any or all of this? -- Don’t make me laugh. Union membership has gone through the floor. In politics the history is that, to use a phrase made famous by George Wallace, “it don’t make a dime’s worth of difference” what pol you vote for or maybe even work for. Lots of people hope that Obama might make a difference, but history counsels skepticism, only the more so because so far he mainly talks about “change,” not substance. People have now learned we don’t count, and that all that really counts is to have the hundreds of millions or billions needed to buy anyone and everyone you need to buy.

Due to the internet, a person knows, regardless of his or her persuasion, that lots of others think the same way he or she does. But, at least for those on the decent liberal side of the equation, it so far has rarely if ever made a difference in actual action, as evidenced by the fact that Pelosi and Reid are nigh on to useless despite the Democratic sweep in 2006.

That the vast preponderance of us don’t count these days brings up another question Terkel deals with: whether or not common people have the intelligence to understand things. Since about 1763 or 1776 it has been an essential assumption of this country that they do. Our system is based on this, and depends on it, even though the pols and the mainstream media now act on a wholly different basis and may destroy the country accordingly. Terkel discusses the average bloke’s comprehension in a vignette about Buckminster Fuller, a vignette he says is “the one that, to me, represents what my books are all about,” a vignette that “was a key one in my life in underscoring a belief. It is a simple one: that people can understand what is necessary for their well-being if it’s explained to them. Honestly.” (Emphasis in original.) Again I am going to quote Terkel extensively, because I cannot paraphrase the matter as well as he said it:

I mentioned to [Fuller] that later that afternoon there would be a gathering at a local church. No heat. No electricity. All would be cold and dim. The church was holding a gathering of protestors against evictions. Cha-Cha Jimenez, the leader of the Young Lords, who rode with us that day, told us that his family had been kicked out and forced to move six times in one month; that they felt like checkers on a checkerboard. It was then that Bucky suggested the unthinkable: “Let me talk to these people.”

I thought to myself: “Oh, my God. What crazy thing have I suggested? If professors have a tough time understanding him, how will it be with working people who’ve gone no further than fifth grade?” Nonetheless, he insisted.

This moment, this event, was a key one in my life in underscoring a belief. It is a simple one: that people can understand what is necessary for their well-being if it’s explained to them. Honestly.

Consider this most incongruous of occasions. The cold church, filled with men, women, and children bundled up in coats and blankets. There on the stage paces this old man with his crew-cut white hair, no hat, an old overcoat with two buttons missing, a tiny lapel mike pinned against the warm wool. Imagine Bucky Fuller’s arcane speech and the chilled, downcast assemblage of Puerto Rican working people and their families. My head was spinning at the burlesque aspect of the situation.

What was the reaction? I closed my eyes fearing the worst. I opened my eyes and I saw something wondrous. These people, of such limited academic training, listened intently to Buck take off on the nature of housing. He spoke of gentrification and urban renewal and of the devastation it caused the have-nots and have-somewhats. He spoke of a world in which, thanks to technology, or as he called it, “technology-for life” (rather than against it), there would be enough to go around.

I speak about an utterly new world, a world in which it is assumed there’s plenty for all; a world in which you don’t have to have a job to prove your right to live. Where the first thing you’re going to think of is not “How am I going to earn a living?” but “What needs to be done? What am I interested in? Where might I make a contribution?” What an extraordinary new preoccupation of man! Work will be the most privileged word we have. The right to work will be not with the muscle, but the right to work with your brain, with your mind. You are born with that, but just getting accredited by the other man to be allowed to use that tool, and getting credit enough so he helps you, and cooperates with you, and you make a breakthrough on behalf of your fellow men, is the next thing. That’s the work. Work will be the most beautiful thing we can do.

The funny thing is, after he spoke, they asked him all the right questions. They had understood everything he said and exactly what he meant.

Bucky Fuller has been dismissed in some quarters as a hopeless utopian. But others have found out that his ideas are a thinking man’s ideas, and that some of his notions are right on the button. This revelatory afternoon proved for me that the intellectual and the Hand (an old-fashioned term for a workingman) can understand one another, provided there are mutual self-esteem and mutual respect. As Tom Paine put it, we must be not just men but thinking men. (Emphases original.)

I have often thought that, when experts and academics claim that something is allegedly too complicated for the average guy to understand no matter how clearly explained, this reflects only that the academic or expert lacks sufficient power of expression and, even worse, does not wish for such power lest the matters he deals in be exposed as simple and he himself consequently be exposed as something of a charlatan instead of the great genius he fancies himself to be. Very little aside from advanced nuclear physics or higher mathematics is truly incomprehensible to the average guy, one thinks. The event which Terkel says was “key . . . in underscoring a belief,” which “represents what [his] books are all about,” represents truth. It only underscores, one might add, the intellectual vapidness of a presidential campaign, in a time of enormous consequence, in which the candidates decline to discuss substance.

Related to the question of comprehension is the question of knowledge, in this case knowledge of history. Terkel has lived a long life, has read and absorbed a lot, and knows a lot of history. It shows in his memoir. Now and again he mentions names, events or books so obscure to the average reader, even the average semi-knowledgeable reader, that he drops a footnote at the bottom of the page to tell you who the person was or what the event or book was about, as when he tells you who Franz Boas or Giuseppe Mazzini were. You can learn a lot by reading Terkel, the more so because of our lack of knowledge of history, a lack which, I think, has contributed heavily to so many of the fixes we are in -- they are, after all, largely reprises in one way or another of fixes that we were in before.

There are also two interrelated, historical episodes regarding the presidency on which Terkel takes a revisionist tack. These are the dumping of Vice President Henry Wallace at the 1944 Democratic Convention in favor of Harry Truman (a dumping which Terkel says even involved physical thuggery), and Wallace’s 1948 run for the Presidency on the Progressive Party ticket, a campaign Terkel was involved in. In what little reading I have done about Wallace, anti-Wallacism has often been evident, and there has been a nagging feeling that perhaps Wallace is being jobbed. That Wallace was jobbed by conservatives in the 1940s, that he and his followers were unfairly tarred as Reds by the reactionaries of the country and even by Truman, is plainly Terkel’s view. And it is probable that the doing down of Henry Wallace had a major impact on this country, the more so because Truman became an ardent cold warrior type. It has always been thought that Truman was right to become so, nor has the fact that in Korea he launched what has become the disastrous tradition of Presidential war detracted (as conceivably it should) from the reputation of what many of us think was a great man. And yet, and yet . . . . there is the nagging feeling that, although Stalin was perhaps even worse than Hitler, still it is possible that various American actions may have made the Cold War even worse and more dangerous than it had to be -- just as today, in a reprise, the actions of Bush and Cheney may have made the world a lot more dangerous than it had to be. The American actions of the late ’40s and early ’50s would likely have been quite different than under Truman had either of the two alternatives to Truman, Wallace or William O. Douglas, been nominated for Vice President in 1944 and succeeded to the Presidency upon Roosevelt’s death (just as American actions likely would have been different in the early 2000s under someone other than Georgedick Bushcheney). Terkel puts the matter eloquently and poignantly at the end of his discussion of Wallace’s 1948 run for the presidency, and once again one cannot do better than to quote the literate Chicagoan himself:

Truman had been attacking Wallace as a Communist sympathizer, an agent of Russia. Wallace wanted peace in the world, and there couldn’t be peace unless there was peace between the two superpowers. Stalin was a butcher and a bastard. You can’t defend that, of course.

But had Wallace won, there might have been no Cold War, might have been no McCarthyism. It would have been a different world, a whole change in temperament - - things like universal health care, labor rights to organize. Perhaps even peace in the world. Perhaps. My hope was factor to my mad prophecy -- the dream of a Wallace presidency.

Terkel’s dream, his “mad prophecy,” was not to be, of course. Yet, regardless of whether he was right or wrong about what would have happened under a President Henry Wallace, one can only sympathize with Terkel’s dream of a better land, and with the bitterness of his dashed hopes. This is only the truer when one considers that, more latterly, the same kind of dashed hopes for a better country have been the consequence of the fact that Georgedick Bushcheney won the elections of 2000 and 2004. History is reprise. In lots of ways.*

* This posting represents the personal views of Lawrence R. Velvel. If you wish to comment on the post, on the general topic of the post, or on the comments of others, you can, if you wish, post your comment on my website, All comments, of course, represent the views of their writers, not the views of Lawrence R. Velvel or of the Massachusetts School of Law. If you wish your comment to remain private, you can email me at

VelvelOnNationalAffairs is now available as a podcast. To subscribe please visit, and click on the link on the top left corner of the page. The podcasts can also be found on iTunes or at

In addition, one hour long television book shows, shown on Comcast, on which Dean Velvel, interviews an author, one hour long television panel shows, also shown on Comcast, on which other MSL personnel interview experts about important subjects, conferences on historical and other important subjects held at MSL, presentations by authors who discuss their books at MSL, a radio program (What The Media Won’t Tell You) which is heard on the World Radio Network (which is on Sirrus and other outlets in the U.S.), and an MSL journal of important issues called The Long Term View, can all be accessed on the internet, including by video and audio. For TV shows go to:; for book talks go to:; for conferences go to:; for The Long Term View go to:­_LTV.htm; and for the radio program go to:

Friday, January 18, 2008

Re: Two Matters: The Environmental Crisis As An Economic Opportunity, And John Edwards As An Angry Populist

January 18, 2008

Re: Two Matters: The Environmental Crisis As An Economic Opportunity, And John Edwards As An Angry Populist.

Dear Colleagues:

I’m going to break a record and send out two postings in one day. This one is short. It consists of brief comments on two matters that have been on my mind for awhile.

An anonymous email correspondent has asked why I don’t post on environmental matters. The truth is that, for whatever reason, the environment is not my bag. But I do have one idea which never seems to be mentioned.

Programs to clean up the environment are often resisted because they would be an expense, a very large one. But wouldn’t they simultaneously be a fantastic investment opportunity that would work wonders for employment, incomes, return on capital, the economy in general? Take automobiles, for example. If you have to redesign them, retool factories, find lighter materials, revamp engines, and all the rest of the paraphernalia, wouldn’t this of necessity require extensive investment and create new jobs galore?

By the way, isn’t much the same true of the need to fix our infrastructure? Isn’t the need to repair hundreds or thousands of roads and bridges, and to revamp utilities, a sure fire way to launch a thousand ships of private investment, and a thousand arks of jobs? Isn’t that exactly what happened when our original infrastructure was built? - - the railroads in the 1800s, the initial highways in the 1920s, the interstate system in the 1950s and 1960s? Isn’t the environmental crisis, in short, a massive economic opportunity which the foresighted would embrace, and not some kind of economic drain?

On a different note, I’ve read critiques of John Edwards which say he can’t win because, instead of being a sunny upbeat populist, he is an angry one - - just like the original populists were angry, I suppose. He is assailed by the punditry for anger displayed by speaking of “‘corporate greed’” and “‘the destruction of the middle class.’” Well, just what the hell do the pundits think has been going on in this country for the last decade or so - - corporate charity for one and all (not just CEOs) and heartfelt unremitting advancement of the middle class’ interests? Apparently Edwards is supposed to refrain from telling the truth as a lot of us see it and, one might venture to guess, as many, many millions of struggling middle class people see it.

You know, the punditry’s attack on Edwards - - whom they apparently by turns either attack or ignore - - reminds me of a comment by Jefferson. He said that if forced to choose between government without newspapers or newspapers without government, he would choose the latter. Well, I know government has been rotten since the early to mid 1960s, and I also know the media has been rotten since about the 1980s. So maybe we need a third choice in addition to the two considered by Jefferson. Maybe we need a choice among government without the media, the media without government, or neither government nor the mainstream media. I would vote for the last of the three.*

R:\My Files\Blogspot\Blog.JohnEdwards.1.18.08.doc
* This posting represents the personal views of Lawrence R. Velvel. If you wish to comment on the post, on the general topic of the post, or on the comments of others, you can, if you wish, post your comment on my website, All comments, of course, represent the views of their writers, not the views of Lawrence R. Velvel or of the Massachusetts School of Law. If you wish your comment to remain private, you can email me at

VelvelOnNationalAffairs is now available as a podcast. To subscribe please visit, and click on the link on the top left corner of the page. The podcasts can also be found on iTunes or at

In addition, one hour long television book shows, shown on Comcast, on which Dean Velvel, interviews an author, one hour long television panel shows, also shown on Comcast, on which other MSL personnel interview experts about important subjects, conferences on historical and other important subjects held at MSL, presentations by authors who discuss their books at MSL, a radio program (What The Media Won’t Tell You) which is heard on the World Radio Network (which is on Sirrus and other outlets in the U.S.), and an MSL journal of important issues called The Long Term View, can all be accessed on the internet, including by video and audio. For TV shows go to:; for book talks go to:; for conferences go to:; for The Long Term View go to:­_LTV.htm; and for the radio program go to:

Richard Levin: President of Yale And King Of Comedy

January 18, 2008

Re: Richard Levin: President of Yale And King Of Comedy.

Dear Colleagues:

You might never know it, but comedy is one of my favorite kinds of reading. There’s nothing like a good laugh. So I thank Richard Levin, the President of Yale, for providing one. He showed himself the Jon Stewart or Stephen Colbert of the university president world. Or by my lights, the Mort Sahl of that world.

Following Harvard’s lead, Yale, as the Chronicle of Higher Education said on-line last Tuesday, announced on Monday that it was greatly reducing the cost of a Yale education to students whose families earn $60,000 to $120,000 per year, and $120,000 to $200,000 per year. As well, parents who earn less than $60,000 per year will not have to pay anything toward their child’s tuition. The university now plans, all told, to raise its financial aid to students from 24 million dollars per year to 80 million dollars per year.

But why did Yale do this now? As the Chronicle put it, Levin told it that Yale’s “leaders had been considering the matter for a number of years, but that two factors had influenced the timing . . . .” One is “that federal lawmakers have recently urged colleges to spend a larger percentage of their endowments on student aid. The other was the growth of Yale’s wealth: The university had a 28 percent return on its $22.5-billion endowment in the last fiscal year. ‘It’s not that the spirit wasn’t willing earlier,’ Mr. Levin said, “But now the pocketbook is deeper.’” (The Chronicle, as is typical of the MSM, got part of this wrong. Yale did not earn a 28 percent return on an endowment of 22.5 billion dollars. Its endowment is now 22.5 billion dollars after the 28 percent return in the last fiscal year.)

So . . . . now the pocketbook is deeper, so that Yale can now do, with an endowment of over 22 billion dollars, what in previous years it couldn’t do with an endowment of, say, 17 or 18 billion or “only” 10 or 12 or 14 billion. Now, with an endowment of 22.5 billion dollars, Yale can spend 80 million dollars per year on student aid though it couldn’t afford this with a puny endowment of 10, or 12 or 14 or 17 billion. Now that is funny. That is worthy of a Mort Sahl. What a guy Levin is. You could fall off your chair laughing.

But it gets better. Yale has an investment guru, David Swensen, who has become justly famous running its money. For the last decade he has averaged a 17.8 percent annual return on Yale’s money (and in 2000 he obtained a 41 percent return). (Wealthy institutional investors like Yale and Harvard -- which has an endowment of 35 billion dollars -- can make all kinds of fancy high return investments that the ordinary bloke can’t afford, like investments in hedge funds, private equity funds, timber, oil and gas, etc.) On an endowment of “only,” let us say, 10 or 12 billion dollars, the amount of earnings, at just ten percent, would be 1 billion or 1.2 billion dollars a year -- and Swensen was doing way, way better than 18 percent. He was doing nearly 18 percent on average for a decade. But, Levin implies -- implies so plainly that his statement is the defacto equivalent of explicit -- Yale couldn’t afford 80 million dollars of aid on earnings which at 10 percent were at or over one billion dollars per year and which, more accurately averaged 17.8 percent a year, nearly double a “mere” ten percent per year. Oh, now, that is funny. Mort Sahl exceedeth himself.

One wonders: where does Levin come up with statements like the one the Chronicle says he made. Did the Chronicle misquote him or get it wrong, like the MSM gets so much so wrong? Did the Chronicle get it right and he was simply parroting what some P.R. flack told him to say? If so, he needs a new P.R. flack. Or did he really mean what he said? And if he did really mean what he said, isn’t his statement an implicitly adverse comment on him, his administration and the Yale Trustees (or the Yale Corporation, or whatever they call the highest mucky mucks) because it shows that, despite Yale’s fantastic annual endowment earnings, they previously did not have enough concern for parents’ financial problems to actually do something to alleviate the outrageous cost of tuition, but instead contented themselves with merely thinking about it? Moreover, isn’t it the truth that the sudden attention being paid by Congress to the fantastic earnings of schools like Yale and Harvard, coupled with their equally fantastic tuitions, is the only reason why Yale decided to move when its endowment reached 22.5 billion although it would not move when its endowment was a “mere” 17 billion or “only” 12 or 14 billion?

There is, of course, another and obvious problem. Yale and Harvard have acted. Other similarly high powered colleges could act, but are resisting it, pleading financial inability despite endowments ranging, roughly, from one billion to fifteen billion dollars. But even if a whole slew of them acted -- which probably ain’t gonna happen, Jack -- this would just be a band aid on a gusher. It would only help some thousands of students, maybe 20 thousand, maybe fifty or a hundred thousand, maybe even a few hundred thousand, who knows? But aren’t there literally millions of students who are facing, or whose parents are facing, debilitatingly high costs of higher education? Aren’t there more millions who simply can’t afford to go to college? If I am wrong about all this, please let me know. It would be great to stand corrected, but why do I think that’s not likely to happen?

So Yale and Harvard and their filthy rich academic brethren are reacting or will react to the immediate pressure of the moment, but their actions cannot even begin to solve the overall problem. Only a sea change in academic thinking and action, or in legislators’ willingness to provide tuition aid, could solve that. But not to worry. It’s no never mind, right? As the country goes down the drain for this and a myriad other reasons, usually involving mendacious fool politicians, dishonest businessmen whose sole God is gigantic profit, callous and uncaring federal judges, neocon inveterate warmongers, etc, we can at least have a good laugh at the statements made by the Jon Stewarts, Stephen Colberts and, when you get right down to it, the Mort Sahls of the academic world. As said, not to worry.*

* This posting represents the personal views of Lawrence R. Velvel. If you wish to comment on the post, on the general topic of the post, or on the comments of others, you can, if you wish, post your comment on my website, All comments, of course, represent the views of their writers, not the views of Lawrence R. Velvel or of the Massachusetts School of Law. If you wish your comment to remain private, you can email me at

VelvelOnNationalAffairs is now available as a podcast. To subscribe please visit, and click on the link on the top left corner of the page. The podcasts can also be found on iTunes or at

In addition, one hour long television book shows, shown on Comcast, on which Dean Velvel, interviews an author, one hour long television panel shows, also shown on Comcast, on which other MSL personnel interview experts about important subjects, conferences on historical and other important subjects held at MSL, presentations by authors who discuss their books at MSL, a radio program (What The Media Won’t Tell You) which is heard on the World Radio Network (which is on Sirrus and other outlets in the U.S.), and an MSL journal of important issues called The Long Term View, can all be accessed on the internet, including by video and audio. For TV shows go to:; for book talks go to:; for conferences go to:; for The Long Term View go to:; and for the radio program go to:

Friday, January 11, 2008

Horse Race Rot, Cosmetic Crapola, And The Possible Need For Bloomberg.

January 11, 2008

Re: Horse Race Rot, Cosmetic Crapola, And The Possible Need For Bloomberg.

From: Dean Lawrence R. Velvel

Dear Colleagues:

Is it just me, or is this the worst presidential campaign yet in terms of the pols and the MSM focusing on the cosmetic and horse race aspects and talking so little about important substance? One hears such a continuing din about this poll and that one, about who is ahead and by how much, who will or should drop out, which candidates will do well in what state, how candidates look, and so forth. One hears so little about how and when shall we get out of the Iraq war, new regulation of out of control financial corporations, how to improve education for minorities, to what extent precisely and in what ways should we possibly cut back on free trade, or about dozens of other important issues. (All I know with a fair degree of assurance about all this is that Sincere John (i.e., McCain) gives signs of being in favor of a new 100 years war. If you want to be in Iraq forever, Sincere John is your man.) What we hear about instead of substance from the pols and the MSM is continuing blather, lacking substantive specifics, about “change,” about “experience,” about the tear (that’s tear as in cry, not tear as in rip).

The tear is, of interest, however. It seems to have made all the difference in New Hampshire. I am naïve enough to think it probably was honestly meant, rather than being a calculated act, as is thought by lots of people because of the Clinton family characteristics of continuous calculation and dishonesty. I am naïve enough to think the woman actually sees herself as someone who has fought so long and so hard for the good of the less fortunate, only to be continuously set upon by others, perhaps even males especially, because of her gender. And I think lots of women came out and voted for her because they see her as emblematic of a glass ceiling, as possibly their only hope for a female President for decades, and as one whose reaching the White House would help shatter a glass ceiling from which they suffer.

Forgive me, but Hillary Clinton subject to a glass ceiling? Hillary having spent her life focused on helping others, rather than simultaneously pushing her own advancement? As Bill said in New Hampshire about an Obama position, give me a break. Hillary subject to a glass ceiling? -- this is a woman who grew up in such privileged circumstances in a wealthy Chicago suburb that she was a Goldwater Girl for Chrissakes. Who went to Wellesley. Who worked on the Nixon case. Who became a partner in a major law firm. Who was the wife of a governor. Who was then the influential wife of a President. Who carpetbagged to win a Senate seat. Who deliberately got into and remained in a political marriage of convenience in order to advance in politics, and who took part in a bargain in which she overlooked continuous philandering in exchange for power. Who got on TV and said she’s not some Tammy Baker (or whoever it was) just standing by her man. Who managed to turn 10 grand into 100 grand by her genius in cattle markets. Whose billing records mysteriously appeared in plain sight one day after supposedly having been lost for months. Who changed from opposing huge banks, who were screwing the poor when she was First Lady (a misnomer), to supporting them after they contributed extensively to her senatorial campaign. Who voted for war, voted to stay in war, and would never admit to a mistake. Who managed, with her husband, to convert one of America’s greatest businesses, the Presidency, into a fortune of about 40 or 50 million dollars. A glass ceiling? Simply working for others? How stupid are the MSM and some of the voters? Maybe very, I guess.

Let me tell you something about glass ceilings. It ain’t Hillary who has been subject to one, baby. You want to talk glass ceilings? Talk about African Americans from the Emancipation Proclamation until today. Talk about guys who, no matter how smart or honest they might be, grew up before the late 1960s and were short, fat, homely, unathletic Italian or Jewish guys. Talk about women who came from lower middle class or economically depressed backgrounds. Now we’re talking glass ceilings. Hillary Rodham Clinton had no glass ceiling. She rode the privileged express. She rode it from day one.

The worse-than-ever focus of the pols and the worthless MSM on horse race and cosmetics -- I’m Rudy, I’m your man for the next 9/11; I’m Barack, your agent for change; I’m Hillary or I’m John, your voice of experience and judgment -- gives rise to an interesting speculation about a possibly disastrous matter. Is this television’s most extensive revenge on the American mind to date? Are people no longer interested in substance because, due to TV, video games and the like, they can no longer read (a fact few contest) and thus know few facts, have little substantive information, and don’t want either? Can one automatically and correctly say this speculation isn’t right? -- I doubt one can do that, and, if one can’t, maybe we are facing the rot of the human mind caused by the boob tube and video games.

This whole campaign also brings up another matter, one that has been in this writer’s mind for a decade or two. Our entire method of campaigning is insane, and has zero to do with showing the ability or wisdom to govern wisely. (G.W. Bush being current example number one.) Candidates exhaust themselves shaking hands and going from city to village to town to factory gate to diner after diner sixteen to twenty hours a day everyday. They have no time to think seriously, and are too exhausted to do so anyway. Their so-called debates, moderated by MSM nitwits, are usually little more than an empty excuse in shouting sound bites and talking points at each other. What kind of insane way to choose the President is all this?

Recently I shocked my colleagues by suggesting, only half jokingly, that we should belay the modern apparatus of campaign claptrap and go back to the 1850s, so to speak. I would like to see a candidate say “I will not go from state to state, from city to city, to every diner, factory gate, and meeting hall. I will not debate any opponent. (Pace devotees of Lincoln versus Douglas.) I will simply participate in and supervise the drafting of intelligent position papers on serious issues, will (pay for and) make ten or so speeches on national television on these important subjects, and will engage in a number of truly serious discussions, televised and/or videostreamed, with three or four intelligent people at a time about serious matters. I shall do this because on balance it is a much better way to choose a candidate, and it is on balance a much better way even if people get some personal benefit out of seeing a candidate in the flesh or shaking his or her hand for a second or two as occurs under our present debilitating system. And if I lose because I have adopted this new and far more serous method of running for President, then so be it. I’ll go back to my day job, I’ll go back to my business or profession, because I’m not simply a professional pol who must win an election no matter what.”

In my opinion, nobody in a position to be a candidate today is likely to adopt this suggestion, however excellent it may be, because it is too inconsonant with the current disastrous method of campaigning, the method that has given us hack after hack, bum after bum. Better disaster than change is the normally applicable principle of human life, after all.

All of this leads to other points, some of which have been seriously discussed here previously. In view of the dearth or absence of candidates who are serious people -- as a serious person understands that phrase -- we are in need of a third party devoted to doing the right thing in the right way. It seems at least possible that Michael Bloomberg might be the person to lead that charge. Since I wrote of that possibility a while ago, a number of New Yorkers of differing political philosophies have expressed to me a high opinion of Bloomberg, an opinion that corroborates the one I developed upon hearing him give a speech laden with specifics instead of mere cosmetic crapola.

Also, in deciding whether to launch an independent candidacy (a decision some say he has made, while others say he hasn’t but needs to), and during the course of a candidacy should he become a candidate, it is important that Bloomberg not let himself fall prey to the American, and political, vice of short term thinking, but instead develop basic ideas and stick with them. One presumes that, as a businessman who has built a huge business from scratch, Bloomberg must be used to taking and sticking with a long term view. But in a presidential race he will constantly be pressured by political advisers and the MSM to take a short term view for purposes of short term expediency. That should be resisted mightily.

This is not a purely hypothetical problem. Around the time of the Iowa caucuses there was a convention, or conference, in Oklahoma. If I recollect aright, although it was called, at least ostensibly, by David Boren, was attended by such as Sam Nunn and Bloomberg, and purportedly was held to encourage the two political parties to work together, the real reason for the conference was to promote a run for the presidency by Bloomberg. But when Obama did so well in Iowa, the wind went of their sails, according to a piece in the NYT. This, if the Times report was right, exemplified short term thinking, thinking that became outmoded within days in New Hampshire. No, if Bloomberg is to run, he should know why he is doing so, should lay out a plan, and should stick with it. Just like in business.

Frankly, I doubt that a man as successful in business as Bloomberg needs me to tell him these things. He probably understands them a lot better than I do. But as Justice Holmes once remarked, it is sometimes useful to obtain reeduction in the obvious -- especially when so much pressure and advice is likely to be in a contrary direction from the obvious.

If Bloomberg does run, I hope that early-on he will lay out a plan to get us out of George Bush’s war as quickly as possible. People of my age -- and he is only a few years younger -- have lived through Korea, Viet Nam, and now Gulf II. If there is one thing that is obvious, from historical reading and from remembered experience, it is that these kinds of endless wars sour the mood of the country as to everything. Their impact goes way, way beyond just the wars themselves. They infect all of national political life and much of personal life. As well, when allowed to continue month after month, year after year, they ruin presidencies. They wrecked Truman’s, Johnson’s, Nixon’s and G.W. Bush’s. If Bloomberg were to become President but let the war go on and on -- as McCain would, Clinton and Obama apparently would, and some of the others would -- then history indicates it will wreck his presidency just like it ruined Truman’s, Johnson’s, Nixon’s and Bush’s. There will be, as there were with those other presidents, argument after argument for staying in the war -- arguments ranging from protecting Israel to stopping Iran to protecting our credibility to stopping the revolt of the Arab street to stopping terrorism. History shows that, no matter how right they sound, arguments for continuing these wars lead only to more disasters, and that great benefit comes from stopping the wars. One would hope Bloomberg would be cognizant of this and that, as soon as he enters the race, he would say exactly what he would do to end our disastrous warfare in Iraq and precisely when he would do it -- and the quicker he would end it, the better. Of course, if he doesn’t intend to stop the war, and pdq at that, then, in my view, and being cognizant that these wars sour everything in national life, he is not the man to lead a charge by a new third party devoted to doing the right thing in the right way*
* This posting represents the personal views of Lawrence R. Velvel. If you wish to comment on the post, on the general topic of the post, or on the comments of others, you can, if you wish, post your comment on my website, All comments, of course, represent the views of their writers, not the views of Lawrence R. Velvel or of the Massachusetts School of Law. If you wish your comment to remain private, you can email me at

VelvelOnNationalAffairs is now available as a podcast. To subscribe please visit, and click on the link on the top left corner of the page. The podcasts can also be found on iTunes or at

In addition, one hour long television book shows, shown on Comcast, on which Dean Velvel, interviews an author, one hour long television panel shows, also shown on Comcast, on which other MSL personnel interview experts about important subjects, conferences on historical and other important subjects held at MSL, presentations by authors who discuss their books at MSL, a radio program (What The Media Won’t Tell You) which is heard on the World Radio Network (which is on Sirrus and other outlets in the U.S.), and an MSL journal of important issues called The Long Term View, can all be accessed on the internet, including by video and audio. For TV shows go to:; for book talks go to:; for conferences go to:; for The Long Term View go to:­_LTV.htm; and for the radio program go to:

Monday, January 07, 2008

Re: Halberstam and History

January 4, 2008

Dean Velvel, a grand essay, with broad perspective. I will not laud its many good points but I have a few quibbles and a funny. First, you say the truth about Chiang's army was "kept from the American public by secrecy." Actually, the whole world knew it cracked like a crate of rotten eggs under Mao's attack. Also, I recall distinctly reading in Time, the China Lobby mouthpiece, that the average age of Chiang's army on Formosa was 32, the implication being it was much too old to fight effectively. It was also well known that the Seventh Fleet was steaming unto perpetuity around Formosa because Chiang's heroes could not defend themselves. Second, you write that Germany posed a serious threat to the United States. In fact, Germany was ill-prepared to start World War Two and Hitler counted on the Allies backing out on their agreement to defend Poland. When France and UK elected to declare war, one of Hitler's generals said to him, "Now what?" The head of the navy had begged Hitler to wait to attack as he did not begin to have the undersea fleet he needed to control the Atlantic. Also, Hitler had no long-range bombers capable of carrying the weight of bombs needed to reduce England, much less to bomb the East Coast, and had no navy to defeat the British Home Fleet which would have decimated Operation Sea Lion's invaders. Hitler could not cross the twenty miles of English channel, much less the Atlantic to strike America. Before he could do that, he would first have to subdue Europe and build a more powerful military machine. So the threat to America was really fairly remote. Finally, as for Douglas MacArthur's credentials, when Eisenhower, who had been MacArthur's aide for a time, was asked if he knew him, Ike replied, "Yes, I studied drama under him for four years." -- Sherwood

Re: Halberstam And History.

Lawrence --

While I can't exactly disagree with your assessment of David Halberstam's opus on the Korean War, I can point out a few things regarding written histories of it that you might want to pass along to your recipient list.

Some 17 years before Halberstam completed writing THE COLDEST WINTER, in 1990 Orion Books published THE COLDEST WAR by James Brady, a memoir of that journalist's experiences as a very young Marine lieutenant in Korea during 1951-52. It is one of the better personal narratives of that war, along with Martin Russ's intensely personal THE LAST PARALLEL (Martin Press, 1957), recounting his experiences as a Marine lieutenant in 1952-53 Korea, and C. S. Crawford's memoir of his volunteering as a Marine sergeant to go to Korea in 1951-52. While some of the details Crawford recalls are a little too precise to be believable, his THE FOUR DEUCES (Presidio Press, 1989), while not historically important, is well worth reading for an understanding of that conflict.

There is one problem with Halberstam's book, however. While it examines in fine detail the first 10 months or so of the war, which includes Douglas MacArthur's drive to the Yalu, the Chinese counter-offensive, the disastrous Eighth Army bug-out in the face of that offensive, the awful ordeal of the Americans at Chosin, and Harry Truman's sacking of MacArthur in April, 1951, it generally treats the remainder of the war as an epilogue. The "coldest war" and its consequences extended far beyond the fall/winter of 1950-51.

Probably the most comprehensive (and what The Washington Post called most authoritative, too) popular history of the Korean conflict is Clay Blair's THE FORGOTTEN WAR (Anchor Books, Doubleday, 1989). While Halberstam's history is "well north of 600 pages in length," as you wrote, Blair's narrative is north of 950 pages, with acknowledgments, notes, and index taking the book over the pole to 1,100-plus. And that doesn't count 48 pages of plate-printed photos. Anyone who consumes this well-written opus will not forget that war.

There are several other nicely comprehensive histories of the Korean War. Max Hastings's THE KOREAN WAR pretty well leads that list. Hastings, who was (or still is) a newspaper editor as well as a military historian (OVERLORD: D-DAY AND THE BATTLE FOR NORMANDY and ARMAGEDDON: THE BATTLE FOR GERMANY, 1944-1945 and DEFEAT IN THE WEST, etc., etc.) writes more incisively than most authors, so this 350-or-so-page book would be much longer by another author.

Two other really good historical overviews of the war are John Toland's IN MORTAL COMBAT, KOREA 1950-1953 (Morrow and Co., 1991) and Richard Whelan's DRAWING THE LINE (Little, Brown, 1990). Toland, who was a Pulitzer Prize winner for his THE RISING SUN, includes some interesting details about Communist China, Mao Tse Tung, and Russia and the war that didn't make their way into other books published to coincide with the 50th anniversary of the start of the Korean War. The book also has a couple of dozen pages of startling plate-printed photos. Whelan used his background as a cultural and political historian to write well what is more of a geopolitical examination than military history of the war. Maybe there is some revisionism in his analyses, maybe not.

Halberstam's book necessarily focuses on the war during the fall/winter of 1950-51 (hence its title, THE COLDEST WINTER) and does include events leading up to the North Korean invasion of the south in June, 1950 and events following that winter to the armistice in the summer of 1953. But for an absolutely riveting and highly focused examination the disaster wrought by MacArthur and his toady commander of the X Corps, Edward Almond, in their advance to the Yalu River that fall/winter, Shelby Stanton's AMERICA'S TENTH LEGION: X CORPS IN KOREA, 1950 (Presidio, 1989) fills the bill. Military-commander arrogance and stupidity are revealed in awful detail in this book by an absolutely outstanding military historian who has done official-history work for the U.S. military.

Some other good to outstanding books that can add to a person's knowledge and understanding of the Korean war include the following, some of which have some historical importance, some of which don't:


RECKLESS, PRIDE OF THE MARINES by Andrew Geer, E. P. Dutton, 1955.

EAST OF CHOSIN by Roy Appleman, Texas A & M University Press, 1987.

HEARTBREAK RIDGE by Arned Hinshaw, Praeger Publishers, 1989.

CRIMSON SKY: THE AIR BATTLE FOR KOREA by John Bruning, Brassey's, 1989.

THE DAY THE CHINESE ATTACKED by Edwin Hoyt, McGraw-Hill, 1990.

IN ENEMY HANDS: A PRISONER IN NORTH KOREA by Larry Zellers, University Press of Kentucky, 1991.

KOREAN WAR HEROES by Edward Murphy, Presidio Press, 1992

And last but far from least because of their interweaving of personal stories, regimental records, ships' logs, etc. --

THE KOREAN WAR, PUSAN TO CHOSIN: AN ORAL HISTORY by Donald Knox, Harcourt Brace & Co., 1985


All the preceding make up a little less than half the books on the Korean War that are in my library. I have read most of them, but certainly don't consider myself an expert on the conflict -- by any means.

My initial interest in the Korean War goes back to when I was 10 years old. My family returned to Kentucky from Kansas in 1950, after my World War Two veteran father's having finished going to school there on the G.I. Bill, and there was in our church a young woman whose husband was in Korea and was captured by the Chinese late that year. (He was released after the armistice.) Juvenile interest of a 10- to13-year-old also was whetted by the well-illustrated Korean War comic books of the time. Later adult interest was kindled by the U.S. Navy sending me as a junior officer to a Navy billet on the public affairs office staff of Commander, United Nations Command/Commander, U.S. Forces Korea/Commander Eighth U.S. Army in January, 1969. That job -- media liaison officer for the joint-unified command -- took me to perhaps 15 of the meetings between the "two sides" at Panmunjom that still continued in 1969 -- and afterward. The fire smoldered for a few years and then started burning upon the 40th anniversary of the start of the war and the publishing of many new books on the subject.

I really liked the movie M*A*S*H and the first two or three years of the television series. Heck, parts of southern California (where the movie and the TV series were shot) look just like Korea -- at least the south, a lot of which I traveled through and over in 1969. I think that I will watch the movie again tonight.

Excuse me for being so long-winded.

Happy New Year.

Joe Burgess
Frankfort, Ky.

Friday, January 04, 2008

Re: Halberstam And History

January 4, 2008

Re: Halberstam And History.

Dear Colleagues:

It is often remarked that Korea is a war about which most of us know little or nothing. It is called a black hole by the late David Halberstam in his recent book about it, The Coldest Winter. I personally knew very little about it before reading Halberstam’s book: I was not yet eleven when it started, so, unlike Viet Nam, which was a focus because it took place in my 20s, Korea did not stick in my mind. Halberstam himself knew little about Korea, he says, before he set out to research and write his book about a war which began when he was 16, but which came to interest him because of talks he had about it in Viet Nam in the early 1960s with a colonel who had fought in Korea.

Halberstam has provided us a remedy for our ignorance. His book, which some reviewers have called the best general history of the war, extensively informs about the background to Korea, the main players, the style of war fought there, and, perhaps above all, the long list of mistakes by both sides. Near the end of the work, on pages 631-632, he summarizes major mistakes on each side. It is quite appalling, especially because the previous 600 plus pages have given one an appreciation for what this summary really means.

No attempt will be made here to review the content of a book that is well north of 600 pages in length. Rather, the focus will be on certain points that repeated themselves from Korea onward, that are of particular human interest to me, or both. Points that repeated themselves -- a fact that Halberstam mentions only glancingly -- did so with regard to Viet Nam, with regard to Gulf II, and, potentially, with regard to Iran or other present or future problems. They illustrate something that historians generally do not care to discuss, but that seem to me to be of the essence, seem to me to be the most important and one of the most interesting reasons to study history. Patterns of thought and conduct repeat themselves, often again and again. If we were willing to learn from the past -- which in matters such as war and peace Americans generally are not, except for people who (now usually wrongly) always react in the same slavering way to the word “Munich” -- we could avoid making the same mistakes over and over again. (It is a disastrously curious thing that in everyday life we make a practice of operating on the basis of the lessons of experience, but in our public matters we ignore patterns that constantly repeat themselves.)

Not only do patterns repeat themselves in history in “big” ways, a number of which will be discussed below in connection with Halberstam’s book, but “smaller” items of human conduct (and sometimes resulting consequences) also repeat themselves within given fields. Even more importantly, and as is often true as well of “big” matters too - - like the question of secrecy discussed below in connection with Hallerstam’s book - - they repeat themselves not just within given fields, but across fields, sometimes across all fields it seems. And they too have consequences. Yet we pay little attention to this existence across fields, partly because of lack of ready intellectual access to this phenomenon and partly because of failure to recognize its importance.

I shall give some examples that have stuck in my mind of phenomena that are true across fields or that have existed previously within a field. Examples that I noted when I read of them, and promptly forgot about, are probably legion.

Here are examples of “large” phenomena that exist across or within fields and that have stuck in my mind because I wrote about or wanted to do a conference on them. One subject that cuts across fields is secrecy. As discussed below in connection with Halberstam’s book, secrecy is everywhere in America, so it exists across fields as well as within them. But so little is written about it except with regard to national security matters that our law school was unable to put together a conference dealing with its vast but unacknowledged breadth and consequences. Another example is ghostwriting, about which I’ve written, with its many bad consequences. This too is a subject which exists broadly - - in academia, in medicine, in politics, in business, in the publishing industry. Yet one cannot get anything like a full handle on it, or on its bevy of consequences, because it is not usually written of except when it causes major problems in a particular field, like medicine.

Here are some “smaller” examples. Once, perhaps about twelve or fifteen years ago -- it could be more, it could be less, I really can’t remember -- I was writing about the fact that many law professors have an easy job. It occurred to me that decades before I had read a statement by a guy who said a reason he had quit being a law professor was that it was the only job he knew of that could be done in ten minutes a day. The only things I could remember about the fellow was that he had been a lawyer and a law professor, but now was a businessman. I asked our library to see if it could find out who he was. The internet having come into existence in some form at the time, the library did learn who he is: David Bonderman, a founder of Texas Pacific, now one of the nation’s largest private investment firms, a firm that is a major rival to Kohl, Kravis, the Carlyle Group, Blackstone, etc.

Why is this of consequence? Because it is one thing for some unknown law dean of a small school in Massachusetts -- a dean and school even more unknown then than now -- to say that law professors do not do much work. But it is quite another thing for the same point to have been made by the likes of David Bonderman. The views of an unknown dean of an unknown school can readily be dismissed by the big shots. Not so readily the views of a David Bonderman.

Here is a second example to the same effect. Fifteen or twenty years ago I was in some connection making the point that law professors are very stubborn, argumentative people. I recollected reading decades before, in his autobiography, that James Bryant Conant, the former President of Harvard and a major player in the Manhattan project, who when President of Harvard had made a point of visiting a meeting of each Harvard faculty, had gone to a Harvard law faculty meeting but had never returned because he found the Harvard law faculty to be the most argumentative, stubborn group of men he had ever seen. Again, I asked some of MSL’s people to look this up. They had to get Conant’s book and go through it, all of which took a few days, but they found what I had recollected. Once again, it was one thing for an unknown dean in Massachusetts to make the point -- he could be easily sloughed off by the profession’s big shots. James Bryant Conant cannot be so easily sloughed off.

Bonderman and Conant were speaking about a field I was writing on, but illustrate a much larger point, especially because, as said, one finds the same kinds of conduct or actions in field after field (even if -- like Eisenhower being unable to remember at a press conference any contribution Nixon had made to the Eisenhower administration’s ideas, and so said that if the reporters would give him a week he would come up with something - - I cannot now remember specific examples although I’ve seen many). The larger point is that persons who are dissenters in their fields are often dismissed as dealing in mirage or mistake or as just wrong. Yet, if they could point to the oft repeated prior occurrence elsewhere of the phenomena or actions they decry, it would be much harder to dismiss them as lunkheads, mere radicals, or criers of wolf. Harry Truman once said that the only thing new under the sun is the history you don’t know. Yet Americans know little history; and commonly laugh at or scorn the views of people who say things that are different and who themselves do not know there is history on their side although it may be history in other fields. The chances of our accepting truth might be significantly better if dissenters had access to and knew the history in other fields that supports them, or even the history in their own fields that does.

In the past there was little or no access to such history, especially across fields. Economists read economists, not microbiologists. Psychologists read psychologists, not chemists. And so on. But the internet may make it possible to overcome the walled off character of reading, the more so as Google’s book project proceeds and as other companies undertake the same or similar projects. (This prognosticating, mind you, from a guy who does not even know how to turn on a computer.) If one can put in the right words in a search engine, one might come up with huge lists of examples of a particular phenomenon, and of the good or bad that it has caused, in a host of fields and over time. To give but one illustration of a characteristic that was present to a fare thee well in Douglas MacArthur -- and that is rather more broadly known than many -- take the question of arrogance. What if one were to “Google” arrogance, or arrogance plus mistakes, or some similar words, when all the world’s written works or even a large share of the world’s written products are on line? One would doubtlessly come up with a list of disasters linked to arrogance that might cause even the most arrogant person to be very careful. One would be swamped, I imagine. Or what if one were to Google “obstinacy and argumentativeness” (or some similar phrases) (ala Conant’s experience), or “lack of work” or “lack of effort” or some similar words (ala Bonderman’s)? If my non-computer-user’s view is correct despite my technological backwardness, the internet might provide the Great Leap Forward that the Chinese Communists used to talk about, but in a different way. Characteristics, or particular types of actions, and often the very same ones, and the consequences of the characteristics or actions, seem to me to be the great driver of events in field after field, yet usually they are not in themselves the focus of historians. If we were to be able to focus, and were to begin to focus, on them in and of themselves, and to assess what they led to in case after case, we might -- one thinks we would -- benefit immensely in deciding what to do in the present and future.

But I digress, lengthily. Albeit not really because, while these ruminations have been in my head a long time, they were called forth by matters written of by Halberstam, even if such matters are generally more of the world shaking kind than of the less noticed type that I personally see or read of from time to time. Let me, then, start a discussion of some of Halberstam’s points with some of his views of Douglas MacArthur.

Halberstam is fair to people. He tells you both their good and bad points. But he also tells you where he comes down on them in the end. And where he comes down on MacArthur is that the general’s reputation cannot survive Halberstam’s scathing smashing up, at least not his reputation from the start of the Korean War onwards, nor various aspects of it from before that war (the Bonus Army, making his planes a sitting duck for Japanese attack, leaving Bataan). MacArthur was arrogant, racist, delusional (the word “madness” is often used with regard to him and his top commanders in Halberstam’s book), not infrequently a liar (like Bill Clinton, he believed the truth was whatever served his purpose at the moment), a demander of yes men and sycophants, and concerned obsessively with his own public relations and image, which were polished by a never ceasing P.R. machine. He had around him some men -- his personal favorites -- whose reputations, as one can well imagine of persons who suck up to a MacArthur, can likewise not survive Halberstam’s onslaught, Generals Almond and Willoughby (nee Weidenbach, apparently -- he originally was a Prussian) exemplify.

MacArthur believed and told everyone the Chinese wouldn’t enter the war, and that if they did, they would be resoundingly defeated. His view, supported by his sycophants, including his intelligence chief, Willoughby, was delusional - - it ignored or played down or doctored a tremendous amount of intelligence data. It was racist. It was arrogant. It was wrong. It led to hundreds of thousands, maybe almost 1.5 million unnecessary deaths, including a huge number of the 33,000 American dead. The guy was simply a wacked out right winger by the time of Korea.

The ignoring of intelligence, the doctoring of truth, the lies, were one of those things we’ve seen repeatedly from 1950 onwards: the Gulf of Tonkin in Viet Nam, body counts there, denials of escalation there, hiding of secret wars in Southeast Asia, WMDs in Iraq, denials of torture - - you name it, we’ve had it. MacArthur set the stage, if not the pattern. (Perhaps the pattern goes back to the Indian wars or, at minimum, the Spanish American war.) Sometimes the lies have been by the military (MacArthur, Tonkin, body counts), sometimes by the politicians (Tonkin, denials of escalation, secret wars, WMDs). But always there have been lies. Always, too, there were people who knew or suspected the truth, but weren’t listened to.

Fakery and lies have been one of those patterns that have gotten us into trouble time and time again. They continue. But does anyone study, does any historian study, the pattern of, or impact of, lies as a continuing genre of conduct, as a continuing matter of conduct in American foreign policy, not to mention domestic affairs and everyday life as well? Not that I know of. And this despite the fact that lies and dishonesty, as I’ve written elsewhere, are probably the major cause of disaster. They exist all the time. They cause foreign, domestic and personal disaster all the time. But they are not studied. They are not a genre of the history profession. The history profession is obviously lacking in this respect.

Often closely related to lies are miscalculations – which can occur because ideas or plans are based on falsehoods. The incredible list of miscalculations in Korea cost about 1.5 million lives, all told. Just a few of them were that the Russians gave the North Koreans a green light to go south because they thought the Americans would not come in. The North Korean leader thought he could win the war in just a few weeks. The Americans expected the North Koreans to be lousy soldiers and phenomenally underestimated the Red Chinese military. MacArthur proclaimed the Chinese would not come in though there were ample signs and warnings that they would. MacArthur insisted on going to the Yalu (instead of stopping at a defensible line across the neck of North Korea). Mao thought his troops could be more successful against the Americans than they ultimately were. The whole thing was a massive strategic eff up by both sides. And this is not even to mention “lesser” effects of miscalculations, like when the high command insisted that our forces retreat on a road south through a continuous gauntlet of Chinese ambushes -- the famous retreat from the Chosin reservoir -- instead of allowing them to escape via a road west that was open and that one unit, disobeying orders because their situation had become so desperate, finally took and along which it escaped with little opposition. Also, American racism was one of the reasons the high command miscalculated that our opponents would be ineffective (and also caused Almond to be against integration in American units). The whole war was an object lesson in the fact that war is not merely death and horrible injury, it is also death and horrible injury by stupidity.

Here again Korea set the stage: our miscalculations in future major wars were equally as awful as Korea, and show that miscalculations and outright stupidity regarding war is a continuous pattern of conduct. Our leaders completely misunderstood and miscalculated what Viet Nam was all about, thinking it merely another step in a march of monolithic communism. Our military stupidly thought that since we’re not the French -- we’re much better -- we would win where they had lost. The capability of an allied government -- the South Viet Namese government -- was long overestimated (just like we vastly overestimated Chiang’s rotten government). The capability and willingness of the other side to endure punishment yet continue indefinitely was vastly underestimated. (Halberstam points out that when Pentagon war games consistently showed Hanoi coming out ahead, the Pentagon simply stopped playing the war games.) Racism was a major feature of miscalculated American attitudes.

In Iraq the same pattern has held. The WMD miscalculation was simply hooked up bovine defecation. The lack of planning for the war’s aftermath was not only stupid in itself, but apparently was based on the preposterous miscalculations that we would be welcomed in Iraq and the middle east -- where many have long hated us as well as our predecessors, the British and French -- and that Chalabi and his gang would be effective. Our leaders never figured on a fantastic insurgency though there were a few people who warned of the possibility -- including, obliquely but in retrospect unquestionably, Saddam himself.

Our leaders knew nothing of the British experience in Iraq in the 1920s, which we’ve succeeded in replicating. They stupidly disbanded the whole governmental structure of Iraq and sent home even the lowest level, non-political Iraqi groundpounders. They refused to recognize that a tripartite division of Iraq, which has now been massively occurring defacto as people move within the country, is the only solution to end continuous religious strife.

So the miscalculating stupidities that Halberstam shows to have been the case in Korea descended upon us again in Viet Nam and Gulf II. Sometimes the stupidities were identical, sometimes different. But that there is a pattern of miscalculating stupidities of one type or another is inarguable.

They are inarguable, that is, except to the right wing -- which wishes to argue strongly, thank you very much. And why shouldn’t it want, and desperately hope, to argue? It was the right wing, after all, as Halberstam lengthily describes, that caused much of the difficulties we experienced regarding Korea, including giving MacArthur his (deranged) head and letting him approach the Yalu. It was the right wing that wanted to “unleash” Chiang’s incompetents -- whom Mao’s army had already crushed – and wanted to fight a huge war with Red China. MacArthur himself, as well as his right wing buddies in the Senate, wanted this. It was fear of the right wing that caused a fool like Lyndon Johnson to get us ever deeper into Viet Nam (lest the Democrats be crucified by the right wing); that, if I understand matters correctly, caused the twin criminals, Nixon and Kissinger, to take over four years to get us out; and that even today thinks we could have won in Viet Nam -- if we had risked World War III with China and Russia, each of which had men fighting or working in Nam already, a fact not widely known by Americans to this day. It was the right wing -- now called the neocons -- who cooked up and were the driving force of the current Iraq war, who again turned the Democrats into jelly legs on the subject of the war, and who have now replaced their crusade against anti-communism with a crusade against Islamism, or, as they put, Islamofacism. Again there is a historical pattern: the right wing extensively contributes to causing, or itself taking us into, disaster.

Korea also illustrated another historical pattern, one that has been true time and again since the Union army fought in the American Civil War. As Halberstam points out, an army takes its cue from, it fights in accordance with -- sometimes, as with the Chinese in Korea -- necessarily fights in accordance with its nation’s culture. Since before the American Civil War, this country (or the North from 1861-1865) has been an industrial, technological powerhouse. We fight well when we can bring our massive industrial and technological strength to bear. (Thus it was that Robert E Lee’s farewell message to the Army of Northern Virginia lamented – though perhaps too monistically -- that it had been forced to bow to the endless flow of superior resources.) We do not fight well when compelled to participate in the other guy’s kind of war. Using our cultural attributes -- using massive technology -- we won the Civil War and World War II, and eventually fought the Chinese to a stalemate in Korea (where they, lacking an industrial or technological base, had to rely on their nation’s culture of using endless manpower to get things done (which was the way they did everything from constructing large engineering projects to fighting Americans)). When we have been forced to fight our opponent’s kind of war, as in the Philippine Insurrection, Viet Nam and Gulf II after Baghdad, we find it very difficult to succeed (at least without violating all rules of decency), or utterly impossible to succeed.

But do we learn from this pattern? Nope. We keep getting into wars where we will inevitably have to fight the other guy’s kind of war, as in the guerrilla war in Viet Nam and the insurgency in Iraq. The fools who run our government, and those in the military who choose to advance their careers by toadying to them instead of telling them the truth (admittedly one can get sacked for the latter, viz. Shinseki and Taguba), think that because we are so big, so rich, so powerful, so technologically advanced, we can do anything, can fight any kind of war. Well, it’s not so, partly because it’s intrinsically not so and partly because the American people won’t stand for the huge forces we would have to put in the field (10 to 1 is the estimate for guerilla wars, I believe) and neither will they stand for the fantastic losses we would suffer. So it ain’t so and our opponents know it ain’t so. At minimum, having no hope of keeping up with us in our style of warfare, our opponents are determined to use theirs. The historical pattern shows that this means horrendous trouble for us. Yet we keep playing the opponents’ game by getting into war after war where opponents can neutralize our cultural advantages and employ theirs against us. (This has implications, one notes, for future Rwandas and Darfurs, but few, if any, people have even began to think publicly about the problem or how to even conceivably solve it.)

Then there is the question of fighting for one’s country versus fighting in the other guy’s country thousands of miles away in order to take over the other guy’s country and, in the process, posing a threat to the countries neighboring the other guy’s country. Abraham Lincoln once said that if all the armies of Europe commanded by Napoleon were to invade the United States, they would never be able to water their horses in the Ohio unless we defeated ourselves. And, for over a century, we reacted badly when European countries were on our borders or even in the western hemisphere. For these reasons, in the 1800s, we fought, threatened to fight, or bought out the English, the French, the Spanish, and announced the Monroe Doctrine. In 1917 the Germans’ Zimmermann Telegram to Mexico was practically a casus belli in itself. But we have entirely ignored our own prior attitudes in the last half of the 20th Century, a time when, in John Quincy Adams’ words, we went abroad in search of monsters to destroy. With regard to Korea, as Halberstam points out, Mao did not want Americans on his border (or preparing Chiang offshore for the right wingers’ proposed return to the mainland). Neither did Stalin, I believe, care for the fact that we would be on the Soviets’ small border with North Korea. (And he certainly wanted buffer states in Eastern Europe in order to keep the west off his borders - - which Hitler had invaded).) One of the reasons Mao decided to intervene when we moved north to the Yalu was to make sure we did not sit astride his border (which we could then cross and attack his nation). Another reason was to fire a shot across our bow with regard to the right wingers desire to “unleash” Chiang to attack the mainland. So Mao was, in effect, reacting much as we had in the 19th century.

But we learned no lesson. We went into Viet Nam not understanding that it was their country that our opponents were fighting for. (One Viet Namese told an American -- was it a Northern general speaking to McNamara long after the war? -- that even if the Americans had stayed for 20 years, at the end the Americans would go home, but the Viet Namese would still be there.) Nor did we understand that China was not going to sit still and let us defeat and defacto take over a country which, like Korea, was on its border -- not even one against which it had itself fought many wars.

And in Iraq we face the problem of Iran, which takes steps to help the insurgents, in part because it does not want on its borders a far distant major power which could, and has even threatened to, attack it, just as we didn’t want England, France or Spain on our borders. Yet somehow or other our fool politicians think and say, and have persuaded much of the citizenry, that we have some sort of right to be on Iran’s borders, and Chomsky is ignored, ridiculed or berated when he suggests we consider what our reaction would be if it was Iran that was on our border. (Remember Zimmermann?)

Yet again Halberstam has educated us, with regard to Korea, on a matter that is a historical pattern -- nations’ desire not to have far distant foreign major powers in their countries or on their borders. Yet it is a pattern we ignore or think ourselves superior to.

There is also the matter of what can rightly be called linear thinking or, perhaps, serial thinking. This is a style in which lawyers are trained to think (albeit perhaps only within limits) and is exemplified by the Harvard Business School decision tree (at least as I understand it). It asks, well, if A happens, then what? What are the possibilities of B or C or D or E happening after A and what can we do if B or C or D or E occur. And if D happens (or C, or, D, or E), what are the possibilities and reasons one way and another of it being followed by X or Y or Z, and what can we do? And so on down the line (or up the line). One’s assessments of probabilities, or even possibilities, in the chain of reasoning may prove wrong -- if one follows the chain far enough, will prove wrong. But perhaps surprisingly, perhaps counterintuitively, that is not the important point. The important point, one confirmed by experience though not necessarily by abstract logic, is that, having engaged in serial thinking in advance of the events, one has a framework for understanding what is going on, for responding to it more intelligently than if one has never thought beyond step one.

But after his masterstroke of the Inchon landings, MacArthur and his toadies, as best I gather, seem not to have considered what might happen next and what to do if it did. MacArthur seems to have done all the wrong things, the things guaranteed to cause the Chinese to come in as they were threatening and guaranteed to enable them to smash his army in their first great attack. After Inchon, I am afraid, MacArthur was never again the genius thinker of that masterstroke nor the extraordinary thinker of World War II whose sophisticated thought process I read about decades ago in William Manchester’s American Caesar.

Just as awful as MacArthur’s negligence, the politicians (and the Joint Chiefs) likewise did not give serious consideration to what could happen and how to respond if the Chinese made good on their threat to come in. To the contrary, and despite concerns about China, the pols deliberately avoided the subject when it certainly should have been brought up. After Inchon, Truman, Dean Rusk and some others met with MacArthur on Wake Island shortly before the November 1950 Congressional election. This meeting, Halberstam says, was in reality an attempt by the pols to bask in, to grab a share of, the glory of Inchon. (It was sort of like George Bush announcing “Mission Accomplished” on the deck of an aircraft carrier.) The meeting on Wake was therefore a very short meeting in which the pols deliberately did not vigorously pursue, or wholly avoided, the questions and sub questions which should have been paramount: questions such as avoiding action that would cause Chinese entry and what to do if the Chinese did come in.

Such failure to consider future possibilities and courses of action is one of the most disastrous patterns of American political thought since 1950. The failure was repeated in Nam, big time. There was never, as far as I know, or rarely, serious high level consideration of North Viet Nam’s manpower resources and willingness to use them, although there were those who knew -- I seem to recollect that Townsend Hoopes may have been one of them -- that demographic data of births and combat deaths showed that the North could sustain the war indefinitely. (As said, when war games showed Hanoi doing well, the Pentagon simply stopped holding war games.) There was no consideration early in the war of how many men we might really need to put into Nam if our escalation were matched by the other side’s. There was no consideration of the possibility that our escalations would be matched by the other side – because it was their country, after all. There was no thought given to the fact that massive bombing cannot ruin a third world agricultural country, as it could and did ruin Germany. (Mao said that, if the Americans decided to use nuclear bombs against China in the Korean war, this would not be successful because, after all, you can’t effectively use the nuclear weapon on a bunch of fields. What he rightly or wrongly claimed true about the ineffectiveness of using nuclear weapons against a primitive agricultural nation is certainly true for conventional weapons -- and we proved it in Viet Nam.)

Gulf II was a reprise of the failure to consider future alternate possibilities and courses of action. This is so much in everyone’s mind today that little need be said about it. The failure to consider how to control and govern Iraq after defeating Saddam, the failure to consider how many soldiers would be needed for this, the failure to consider the possibility that other countries in the region would not react to the situation with the Bushian rush to democracy propagandized to us, the failure to consider historical enmities in Iraq -- the list of “failures to consider” which have led us into a horrid situation that bin Laden could but dream of is long, and shows what can happen when the government is in the hands of an unthinking, stupid but obstinate man and his fellow criminal cronies.

Nor does one recollect an awful lot of domestic problems in which serial thinking has been prominent in the public discourse. That is not the nature of American public discourse, which focuses on sound bites and sex. The only, even mere, possibility of linear thinking in domestic affairs which springs readily to mind is Bush’s desire to get rid of social security. He claimed certain results would follow, but others, who largely were horrified at bad possibilities, claimed very different results might follow. All of this was serial thinking of greater or lesser competence. Once incipient, but later actually occurring, disasters resulting from lack of linear thinking do spring readily to mind, however. The most recent is the real estate and securitized mortgage meltdown of recent months -- a meltdown that was readily foreseeable and that people like Gramlich warned of. How smart did one have to be to know that adjustable rate mortgages were a personal and national disaster waiting to happen? Not very. But one didn’t hear much about this possibility. How smart did one have to be to know that the securitized mortgage industry was another disaster waiting to happen, when years ago Barron’s was warning, accurately, that buyers, even fairly sophisticated ones, had no notion of how the “tranches” they bought could become disastrous? Again, not very, and again one heard little discussion of this notwithstanding Barron’s warnings. Alan Greenspan, Wall Street, Executive officials and ignorant media toadies were too happy about supposedly great economic developments and riches for the financial industry to indulge in the slightest linear thinking, the slighted serial thinking, about what could happen because of obvious matters that were staring them right in the face but which they chose not to see.

One last point regarding failure to think in a linear fashion. In the late 1940s George Kennan, one of America’s brilliant thinkers for decades, wrote of containment, the policy we followed with regard to Russia. Halberstam says of Kennan that “He was convinced that bad things would happen if we tried to apply our power where it did not seem applicable. Places like Vietnam and China were outside our reach (and concern) as other places, nearer and dearer to us, were outside the reach of the Soviets. In fact, he believed that there was already an involuntary balance of power forming in the world despite the rhetoric of the two great powers—and in the long run it favored the United States.”

Kennan’s view that bad things will result if we try to apply our power where it is not applicable has come true in spades in Nam and Iraq. It is applicable as well to Iran and much of the rest, if not all, of the Mideast, as may also be -- as is likely to be -- his strategy of long run containment. Our failure to avoid Chinese entry into Korea (which we could have done), and our efforts in Nam and Iraq to apply military power rather than a true Kennanesque strategy, caused the price we had to pay in lives, treasure and lack of success to rise dramatically. One can only hope that, in future, Americans will give more thought -- more linear thought -- to the potential results of fighting war after war thousands of miles from our shores against people who do not have the power to seriously threaten to destroy us, the power that was possessed by Germany in World War II. (This relates to patterns of action that were discussed earlier, one notes.)

Of course, Halberstam also says that Kennan, who was “in his own way . . . a considerable snob,” was “decidedly uncomfortable with what he considered the great American unwashed who, in his view, might hinder the ability of the elite to make decisions in a democracy.” I would not agree with Kennan’s view of Everyman, but I do think the pols, the media, Hollywood, and the TV industry have cheapened our discourse, have caused its quality to deteriorate, to the point where he might be right about democracy’s inability to make sound decisions.

Another pattern pertinent to Halberstam’s book is that of getting sucked in -- sucked into a trap or disaster. Let me start this with a line from the movie Gettysburg. Longstreet is discussing with Lee what the Confederates should do. In both real life and the movie, Longstreet wanted to move around the Union left and occupy advantageous ground between Gettysburg and Washington, where Meade would be forced to attack the rebels. Lee, on the other hand, meant to strike the Union forces where they were, on the high ground of Cemetery Ridge at Gettysburg, and, as memory serves, says in the movie that if Meade is still on Cemetery Ridge the next day, he will attack him there. Longstreet, who in real life was one of the few Civil War generals who understood that the relatively new rifles (called rifled muskets, or just muskets) used in the Civil War had changed the battlefield equation drastically, says in the movie that if Meade is still there the next day, it will be because Meade wants Lee to attack him there. In short, Meade wants Lee to send his troops into a solid defensive position, as they eventually went into the killing ground of Picketts charge because Lee did not listen to Longstreet.

Well, the American forces went into the same deliberately set trap when they kept going north in Korea. The Chinese infiltrated 250,000 or 300,000 men unseen, and were all around the Americans who marched deeper and deeper into the trap. To lure the Americans as deeply into the trap as the Chinese wanted them to be, the Chinese moved north but did not blow a bridge which they surely would have blown had they been truly retreating instead of baiting a trap. The Commander of the First Marine Division, General O.P. Smith, knew this, but was required by the higher brass to keep going north anyway. Here is Halberstam’s unforgettable description of the situation:

Smith was now sure that the Chinese were baiting an immense trap for him, and there was one bit of empirical evidence that definitely showed that. That was the Chinese failure to blow the bridge at the Funchilin Pass . . . . Just north of Sudong and south of Kotori, the road became more and more difficult, elevating at an accelerating rate, twenty-five hundred feet in eight miles, to a terrifying stretch known as the Funchilin Pass, becoming, as Matt Ridgway wrote, “a narrowing, frightening shelf with an impassable cliff on one side and a chasm on the other.” At a critical point in the pass the only way to keep going north was over a concrete bridge that covered four gigantic pipes, which pumped water from the Chosin Reservoir to a power plant. The mountain was so steep, and the passageway so narrow, that if the Funchilin Pass bridge were blown, given the hideous nature of the terrain and the overwhelming logistical limitations, it would be the end of the offensive for the American troops, so dependent on motorized equipment. But the Chinese heading north had not blown the bridge. To Smith, it was like the dog that hadn’t barked. The failure to blow the bridge on the part of so formidable and shrewd an adversary was a sure sign that the Chinese wanted the Americans to cross it—it was virtually an invitation—but it meant nothing to Almond, so disrespectful was he of his adversary. “Smith was sure that they wanted us to come across, and that they were going to blow the bridge after we crossed, thus completely isolating us,” said Major (later Major General) James Lawrence, who had been the executive officer at Sudong when the Chinese struck.

The Chinese did blow the bridge after the Marines crossed it and got further north in the trap, and it took some kind of miracle(s) for them later to fight their way out. (It was this retreat that caused General O.P. Smith to make the famous statement, when asked what he thought about his Marines’ retreat, “Retreat hell, we’re simply attacking in a different direction.” (This ranks, one thinks, with General McAuliffe’s response to the German demand for surrender of Bastogne, “Nuts.”)

Blundering into major disasters has become almost an American specialty. Need one say that that is how we got deeper and deeper into Viet Nam, and that that has been the story of Iraq since we took over Baghdad? Robert E. Lee and Ned Almond had nothing on their fellow southerners Lyndon Johnson, Dean Rusk and G.W. Bush (or on Northern fools like McNamara and Rumsfeld, or a western criminal like Cheney). And we have for a few years lived with the possibility of blundering into what could prove to be another huge trap, war with Iran (and/or, it was thought for awhile, Syria or North Korea).

Keeping things secret also played a big part in regard to Korea. After MacArthur was fired, and came home to vast, Godlike acclaim -- some of the biggest ticker tape parades ever -- the Congress held hearings on our foreign policy. Halberstam writes that MacArthur’s display of lack of knowledge and thought at the hearings, his utter failure to have taken account of the Soviet Union or of what could happen in Europe, reduced him dramatically. No longer was he the great hero, the Roman Caesar, returned from decades of foreign wars. Now, as the public saw, he was just a shrunken old man with narrowly based, right wing ideas.

But one part of the hearings was kept from the public, the issue of Chiang’s troops, which MacArthur had wanted to “unleash” and whose “unleashing” against the Communists (who had recently smashed them from pillar to post) was a tenet of the right wing. As Halberstam says, “the excised parts of the record included a devastating critique of one of [the Republican right’s] great beliefs -- about the value of Chiang’s troops in this war.” The critique was by such as the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs, Omar Bradley. Chiang’s “troops were in fact regarded [by the Pentagon] as a disaster waiting for another place to happen.” But because the hearing record of testimony about Chiang’s forces was kept secret, the right wing, and the associated China Lobby of historical infamy, were able to maintain the myth that in Chiang on Formosa (Taiwan) we had a powerful ally who could do us much good -- and whose enemy, Red China, had to be our enemy.

Because the truth about Chiang and his forces was kept from the American public by secrecy, Red China remained our enemy until a semi-wacked out member of the Republican right, the criminal Richard Nixon, and his criminal buddy Kissinger, thereafter did what only a Republican rightist could get away with at the time and opened the door to relations with Mao’s regime in the early 1970s. And that enmity with China, fostered by secrecy of hearings in 1951, was one of the reasons we got sucked deeper and deeper into Viet Nam.

Secrecy as a pattern of American public life really took off after Korea, with the creation of the American national security state, and got us into trouble time and time again. We had secret Johnsonian plans to escalate in Viet Nam, a secret Nixon plan for peace whose actual nonexistence was hidden by its purported secrecy but which helped this disaster get elected, we had secret Nixonian wars in Laos and Cambodia, extensive secret CIA spying on Americans which finally was disclosed in the mid 1970s, secret torture, secret prisons, secret renditions, secret spying on Americans and the rest of the litany of secret horrors associated with G.W. Bush and Cheney. Nor is disastrous secrecy confined to the national government. In America it exists everywhere: in corporations (viz, undesirable results of pharmaceutical trials which are kept secret), in universities, etc. It is one of those large matters which, as discussed at the beginning of this posting, cuts across field after field, but which we cannot get a sufficient handle on because fields are walled off from each other (and, in the case of secrecy, it is usually and wrongly thought of only as a national security or governmental matter rather than as the pervasive phenomenon that it in fact is). What happened because of the secrecy of a crucial part of the hearings spawned by MacArthur’s recall was part of a pattern which deeply and often disastrously affects all of American life.

Then there is the question of moral courage. As one reads American history, there often is recognition, starting at least with the Civil War, that there is a difference between physical courage and moral courage. Physical courage -- the ability and willingness to face physical danger -- is pretty common, it seems. Moral courage -- the willingness and ability to question the questionable and to do the right thing -- is far, far less so. The numerical discrepancy sometimes seems so pervasive that one is tempted to say the human race is a collection of physically brave sheep.

There was a failure of moral courage with regard to Korea. The top military men in Washington, who had concerns about MacArthur’s views and actions, were weak and failed to stop him from creating a disaster. Writing in connection with the possible use of atomic weapons, Halberstam is brilliant on the difference between physical and moral courage.

The Joint Chiefs were especially weak in those months. Brave and otherwise independent men often became quite bureaucratic once they were members of the JCS. That reflected one of the great secrets of the military culture—how officers who had been so brave in battle, fearless when it mattered, could be so bland and cautious as they reached what was seemingly a career pinnacle. That had been true in Korea; it would be even truer in Vietnam.

The high political officials likewise showed a total lack of moral courage. Again Halberstam’s writing on the subject is brilliant.

In general, those who worked in that administration are now regarded as among the ablest men of a generation. The phrase “The Wise Men” has been applied to them in the title of an admiring, best-selling book. But all of them, even as they had sensed during October and November that something terrible was about to happen, had been silent, frozen in place, while MacArthur continued to stretch his orders. They and the civilians who had gone to Wake Island had never asked MacArthur the tough questions when it mattered, in no small part because the political tide was moving away from them. They, who had never trusted him, had acted as if he were some kind of prophet, authorized to speak not merely for his own command but for the Chinese commanders as well. Now, as he unraveled in Tokyo, they once again seemed powerless to do anything about him or the command.

The constant, sometimes even continuous, failure of moral courage is a hallmark -- I use the word very deliberately -- is a hallmark of American life, especially American public life. There was a continuous failure of moral courage regarding civil rights during the 1940s, 1950s and up until the mid 1960s. A failure of moral courage caused us to get deeper and deeper into the disaster of Viet Nam, as the Democrats refused to act against “their” President, Lyndon Johnson, even though so many of them knew that we were in fact neck deep in disaster. (As for Republicans, they were simply accomplices of the criminals of both parties). A failure of moral courage has rendered the Democratic Party a nullity from the beginning in regard to Gulf II. It causes legislators, executive officials and judges to let big business get away with -- to cooperate with big business in getting away with -- the destruction of democracy as we once thought we knew it. And, as one looks back over history, it is hard to find presidents who exhibited true moral courage. Lincoln surely did to an extent never equalled. John Adams did by unpopularly keeping us out of war. Probably TR did by taking on the big business establishment of his day. John Kennedy on the other hand -- whose very high equalled public rating among presidents (the public stupidly ranks him near the very top) could be cited by those who think Kennan was right about decisions in a democracy -- was a moral weakstick in everything from sex to civil rights and, initially, though not subsequently, in foreign policy too.

The paucity of moral courage in regard to Korea and afterwards makes especially poignant two episodes written of by Halberstam. One concerns General Matthew Ridgway, who took over in Korea and stymied the Chinese after the commanding general, in Korea, Walton Walker, was killed in a jeep accident in late December 1950. Halberstam writes very favorably of Ridgway; as always he gives you both sides but you know where he comes down; and in giving you both sides he makes clear Ridgway was a man of formidable intellect, immense determination, and generosity in giving credit to colleagues. Ridgway also had less likable qualities: he was, to put it in a nutshell, a very hard individual.

Before he was sent to Korea, Ridgway had displayed great moral courage in Washington by vigorously questioning MacArthur’s actions and his refusal to obey orders. (Yes, MacArthur did that too.) But that was not the episode that Halberstam writes of as being, in the view of one military historian, an “instructive moment that caught his character perfectly.” That episode had occurred in late 1943, when Ridgway had “comparatively little status in the upper echelons of the military hierarchy.” He had been given the job of having his airborne division parachute into Rome in order to cause the Italians to quit the war and turn their guns on the Germans. All of his superiors had “signed on” to this. They ignored Ridgway’s constantly voiced concerns that aspects of the plan didn’t smell right. Finally, he ordered a daring reconnaissance by Maxwell Taylor that proved his concerns were valid and his

airborne division might well be completely destroyed. Then, with his men already in their planes and the engines warming up, the mission was called off. That night Ridgway had shared a bottle of whiskey with a close friend, and then, drained by the closeness of disaster, he began to cry. To do what he had done at that moment, to place his entire career on the line, was, Hamburger thought, the mark of an uncommon soldier, someone whose courage away from the battlefield was the same as that on it.

This example of moral courage -- courage to question in the face of higher authority -- is an episode involving a major figure. Another episode, involving both the moral and the physical courage to do the right thing, is about someone whose identity is not even known. About 40 Americans were trapped on a hill; they were assaulted by “a major Chinese force.” Almost every American was hit, and it looked like they would all die.

At dusk the men on the hill had gotten a boost when an Army spotter plane marked some of the Chinese positions for American jets that raked the area with rockets, napalm, and machine gun fire. Then the little plane returned and dropped some ammo and medical supplies. Most of it missed the perimeter, but one case of ammo got through. The pilot made pass after pass trying to drop ammo off, coming in so low they could see his face. Wilson added him to his pantheon of heroes, someone who risked his life again and again on behalf of men he had never met, pushed by an exceptional internal code of honor.

This is a striking and moving story. Not only for its own sake, but also for what it shows to be missing in American life. Does anyone think that Americans in civilian life today have “an exceptional internal code of honor”? Does anyone think our politicians have it? Our politicians who will say and do anything to get money, get votes and win elections? Does anyone think our high level military men have it, men who, to protect and advance their careers, will say what Bush wants them to say? Does anyone think our big businessmen have it, big businessmen who care only about making scores of millions for themselves by shoddy financial and other products and by moral fraud? Does anyone think it exists at the highest level of our university systems, where presidents defend their right to million dollar plus salaries while professors make a small fraction of that and students cannot afford education? No, internal codes of honor are widely lacking in American life.

This writer has often said that the key problem in America today, and in all nations at all times, is our, or their, culture. A culture of honesty, a culture of competence, a concern for the other guy, not just oneself -- all of this is crucial to a decent society and can collectively be summed up within the individual by whether or not he or she has a decent internal code of honor. But look as hard as you want, and you are not going to find that internal code in most people, at least not in people who are big deals in this society. It was recently said of Condoleezza Rice that her only core principle is success. What was said to be true of her - - and I personally think worse of her than that - - is an oft true principle of American life in general. There is no decent internal code of honor among the big shots, who care for success alone. The absence of such a code, and of the elements comprising it, in the big shots and many others is, I think, as often said here, the single most profound tragedy of our country, because it causes so many others.*

*This posting represents the personal views of Lawrence R. Velvel. If you wish to comment on the post, on the general topic of the post, or on the comments of others, you can, if you wish, post your comment on my website, All comments, of course, represent the views of their writers, not the views of Lawrence R. Velvel or of the Massachusetts School of Law. If you wish your comment to remain private, you can email me at

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