Friday, September 23, 2011

Petition for Rehearing En Banc

UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS
FOR THE SECOND CIRCUIT



PETITION FOR REHEARING EN BANC


PRELIMINARY STATEMENT

Petitioner, Lawrence R. Velvel, is a customer and victim of Bernard Madoff. Velvel was an appellant in the above-referenced appeal and seeks a rehearing of the Court’s August 16, 2011 decision, annexed hereto as Exhibit 1.

Velvel joins in the arguments made in the two petitions for rehearing submitted by others under date of September 2, 2011, but writes because extraordinarily important information concerning the intent of SIPC, the Trustee and the SEC was disclosed on September 16, 2011 in a 118 page report issued that day by the SEC’s Inspector General, David Kotz. That just-disclosed, crucial information regarding the intent of SIPC, the Trustee and the SEC was denied to Petitioner when he sought it via discovery request in the Bankruptcy Court in September, 2009. The discovery request was vigorously fought by the Trustee, Irving Picard, and by SIPC, and, in accordance with their position, was denied by Bankruptcy Judge Lifland. Petitioner contested this prior denial of crucial information in his opening brief and his reply brief on appeal in the Second Circuit, but the Panel’s decision of August 16th does not deal with the matter. Now, however, the relevant crucial information sought via discovery was disclosed on September 16th in the Inspector General’s report, and Petitioner urges that there should be an en banc rehearing to consider the information.

Though, as said, other petitions for en banc rehearing were filed under date of September 2, 2011, the allowable time for filing a petition is 45 days, not 14 days, under FRAP 40. That rule provides that, if an agency or officer of the United States is a party to a civil action, the time for filing for rehearing is 45 days after entry of judgment. (Judgment was entered here on August 16th.) Here the SEC, a government agency, is a party. Also, the Trustee, Irving Picard, is a Bankruptcy Trustee as well as a SIPC Trustee (and is clawing back monies as a Bankruptcy Trustee). The Supreme Court has ruled that “Trustees in Bankruptcy are public officers and officers of a court.” Callaghan v. Reconstruction Finance Corporation, 297 U.S. 464, 468 (1936). Because the SEC is a party, and the Trustee is a public officer, the time period for seeking rehearing to bring up the crucial information that was not disclosed publicly until September 16th is 45 days from August 16th, not 14 days.

PROCEEDINGS BELOW

As pointed out in the Petitions For Reconsideration filed under date of September 2, 2011, the appeal and the decision of August 16th, involved the question of how to define “net equity” under the Securities Investor Protection Act. From the beginning, SIPC and the Trustee have argued that net equity is to be defined by the cash-in/cash-out (“CICO” or “net investment”) method, while the appellants/petitioners have urged that the final statement method (“FSM”) must be used, as in every SIPC case in the nearly 40 year history of SIPA prior to Madoff. The panel held that SIPC and the Trustee could use the CICO method.

ARGUMENT

From the very beginning, there has been well-founded suspicion that, whatever legal rationalizations SIPC and/or the Trustee might assert to the courts as justification for using CICO, the real reason they used CICO rather than the FSM was fear that the SIPC fund did not have sufficient monies to make the legally required payments to victims if the FSM were used. For this reason, it was thought, SIPC and the Trustee (ultimately supported by the SEC) ignored Congress’ intent -- oft-stated on the floor of Congress by many of the leading Senators and Representatives of the 1970s -- that victims be compensated up to $500,000 and that they be compensated promptly. Rather than adhere to Congress’ intent, SIPC and the Trustee (ultimately supported by the SEC), decided not to use the FSM, which was used in all other SIPC cases, but instead to use CICO, which they knew would dramatically lessen both the number of permissible claims against the SIPC fund and the amount of money that would have to be paid from the fund.

Plainly put, from the earliest days the well-founded suspicion was that the Trustee and SIPC (ultimately joined by the SEC) ignored Congressional intent to aid investors and substituted for Congress’ intent their own intent to save money for the SIPC fund.

Because of this well-founded suspicion, in September 2009 Petitioner filed a discovery request seeking information on why SIPC and the Trustee had chosen to use CICO. SIPC and the Trustee vigorously, even stridently, opposed the discovery request, and it was denied by the Bankruptcy Judge.

On appeal, Petitioner argued in his opening and reply briefs that the denial of a discovery request that would have led to exposure of the real reason SIPC and the Trustee chose CICO -- as opposed to the legal rationalizations they provided to the courts -- was reversible error. The appellate panel did not deal with this issue.

There the matter stood until the SEC’s Inspector General, on September 16, 2011, released his Report on the conflict of interest question involving the former SEC General Counsel, David Becker. In the course of that official SEC Report, it was made clear that a desire to save the SIPC fund had been, from the very beginning, the driving force behind the decision to use CICO. The driving force was not the intent of Congress so often expressed on the floor of the Senate and House by leading Senators and Congressmen of the 1970s when SIPA was enacted and amended. It was not to protect investors, especially small ones, and build confidence in markets, as Congress intended SIPA to do. Rather, it was, plainly and simply, to save SIPC’s finances, with legal rationalizations then being offered to courts to attempt to justify this departure from the intent of Congress. Little wonder that the relevant Congressional intent never rates even a mention in briefs filed in various courts by the Trustee, SIPC and the SEC.

Thus it is that, in his Report, the General Counsel, after extensive investigations described at the beginning of his Report, says (pp. 49-50 (emphases added) Exhibit 2, infra.):

In addition, Becker discounted SIPC’s perspective that it was important to consider the effect of the net equity approach on the SIPC Fund. For example, in a May 28, 2009 e-mail, NYRO Assistant Regional Director referred to Harbeck’s general “desire to ‘protect the fund.’” Ex. 95. [Harbeck is the President of SIPC.] See also NYRO Assistant Regional Director Testimony Tr. at 70-72. The Chairman’s notes [SEC Chairman Schapiro’s notes] of her preparation for a June 25, 2009 SIPC meeting where the net equity issue was addressed referred to SIPC concerns about “drain[ing] the fund,” “necessitate[ing] SEC going to Congress,” and “dramatic fee increases for broker-dealers.” Ex. 92; Schapiro Testimony Tr. at 38-39. Chairman Schapiro testified that she thought that her notes indicated that the SEC was “very concerned that [SIPC] will say that if we go with a final account statement view of what [its] obligations are, that it will deplete the SIPC funds.”(Fn. 31) Schapiro Testimony Tr. at 39.

Fn. 31: The Chairman’s notes also indicated, “This is a SIPC survival issue.” Ex. 92; Schapiro Testimony Tr. at 43. She testified that she did not know who made this comment, but that “it may be that somebody said that’s how SIPC views this, as a survival issue . . . because the fund would be depleted, and it set a precedent that would be very hard for them to meet over time given the fact that these liquidations had become so huge.” Schapiro Testimony Tr. at 43.

There can therefore be no doubt that survival of the SIPC fund, and of SIPC itself, was the driving force behind the use of CICO. It was not the oft-stated intent of Congress to aid and protect investors and build confidence in markets that motivated SIPC and its handpicked Trustee to use CICO instead of the FSM, but an intent to save SIPC even though they knew, as the IG makes clear, that CICO would eliminate Congressionally-intended payments to thousands of victims.

All of this raises the following question, which was never addressed by the Bankruptcy Court or by the Circuit Panel in its decision of August 16th. Is it lawful for SIPC (established under a Congressional statute (SIPA), for its handpicked SIPC Trustee and Bankruptcy Trustee (Irving Picard), and for the SEC to defy the Congressional intent to aid investors and build confidence in markets, and to substitute for Congress’ intent the intent of SIPC and the Trustee to save SIPC -- to save it by using a definition of net equity which causes thousands of often small and now impecunious investors to obtain no compensation from the SIPC fund or the fund of customer property? Petitioner believes that, notwithstanding the many legal rationalizations they have offered to support this substitution of their own intent for the intent of Congress, SIPC, the Trustee, and the SEC cannot lawfully substitute their intent to save SIPC for Congress’ intent to protect and compensate investors, and that it is a violation of separation of powers for the Panel to have judicially approved and adopted a definition of net equity which overrides Congress.

CONCLUSION

For the foregoing reasons, Petitioner urges that the full Circuit should follow one of two courses in en banc reconsideration. One course would be (i) to accept the IG’s investigation and statements as dispositive of an unlawful intent to override Congress by not using the FSM, and to thereby deny payments to those whom Congress intended to be helped and compensated and (ii) to reverse the panel decision because the decision has allowed this unlawful action to occur. The second course would be to vacate the panel decision and remand to the Bankruptcy Court for further investigation, via discovery, of why SIPC and its Trustee chose CICO and pressed this upon the SEC vigorously (as the Inspector General’s report makes clear). The discovery, the Court should make plain, must include full production of relevant documents and depositions of the relevant actors in SIPC, the Trustee’s office, and the SEC.

September 23, 2011 LAWRENCE R. VELVEL, ESQ.

Massachusetts School of Law
500 Federal Street
Andover, MA 01810
Tel: (978) 681-0800
Fax: (978) 681-6330
Email: Velvel@mslaw.edu

Tuesday, August 23, 2011

Comments on the Second Circuit's Decision on Net Equity

COMMENTS ON THE SECOND CIRCUIT’S DECISION
ON NET EQUITY

August 23, 2011


I have been asked to state my views on the Second Circuit’s decision on net equity in the Madoff case. Some of the matters I shall discuss are relevant to a request for rehearing en banc to the Second Circuit and/or a subsequent petition for certiorari to the Supreme Court.

1. The Court’s decision is based on its acceptance of the statutory language relied on by the Trustee rather than the language relied on by the victims. The victims said they had a right to their “securities positions” as reflected in their final statements. The Trustee said he had to and should give them only what the “books and records” showed they had put in and taken out, so that a person who took out more than he put in had no net equity. In these regards (and others), the Court, like the Trustee as well as many people not connected with the Madoff affair, thought it overriding that everything Madoff did was a fake and the final account statements represented fakery, so it was better, and necessary, to look at the books and records rather than rely on the phony securities positions set forth in the final statements.

To me it seems self evident that, in a case where things were faked, and there is rival statutory language for the Court to choose from in determining net equity, it is essential to present a court with strong and repeated policy statements as to why it should choose the counter intuitive position of using the faked statements to determine net equity rather than the reality reflected in the books and records. Those policy reasons are found in the intent of Congress repeatedly stated in the legislative history. This author vigorously and repeatedly urged upon the New York lawyers who controlled the case for the victims’ side that the policy arguments, found in the intent of Congress expressed in the legislative debates on the floor of the Senate and House at the beginning and near the end of the ’70s, should be the linchpin of the case. For (with some relatively minor exceptions we can overlook here) true securities positions were zero, since Madoff did not buy or sell stocks for the victims.

This author’s urgings were unsuccessful. It was decided early-on in New York that the dispositive point was that the statute said net equity was the securities positions reflected in statements from Madoff (less indebtedness to him). This writer disagreed, saying, as did judges at oral argument, that “securities positions” were zero because the whole deal was a fake in which securities were not purchased. This view was unpersuasive to the lawyers on our side, who said victims’ securities positions were what was shown on the final statements: Such was required by state law, it was said, is admittedly what Madoff would have been obligated to pay victims had they sued him before December 11, 2008, and for all these reasons is the measure of net equity under the statute.

The foregoing argument about securities positions, an argument about which our side was warned, was, and proved, a loser because, as said, in reality the victims’ securities positions were zero.

2. It was, as said, this writer’s view, unsuccessfully pressed on the New York lawyers orally and in writing, that the only way to persuade a court to rule that the final statements should be the measure of net equity though they were faked was to rely extensively and repeatedly on the intent of Congress as reflected in floor statements, many of them made by the leading Senators and Congressmen of the 1970s. (President Nixon and Treasury Secretary Kennedy also weighed in.) Those extensive and repeated statements made plain that the Congressional intent would be vitiated if CICO were used instead of the FSM. It is not that the legislative history ever discussed net equity explicitly. It did not. It is, rather, that the floor statements repeatedly stated Congressional goals that will be vitiated by the use of CICO, goals such as protecting small investors, giving them confidence in markets, paying investors promptly, and protecting them against non purchase and/or theft of securities. And not to be forgotten is that it was known that investors would have to rely on their statements because the securities industry was switching, and SIPA was part of the switch, from giving physical securities to investors to holding securities in street name. (The Madoff scam could not have been done if Madoff had had to give physical securities to investors.)

As readers will know very well, and for reasons most readers will likewise know very well, the goals sought by Congress are stymied by CICO. The Second Circuit discussed Congress’ goals only very scantily and paid no heed whatever to the abundant floor statements setting them forth. Fundamentally, the Circuit relied instead on what it thought the best reconciliation of the statutory provisions, with little regard to the goals shown on the floors of Congress. In this regard, it adopted the Trustee’s position.

Was the Circuit told of Congress’ goals and was it given the floor statements reflecting them? Yes. But only by one lawyer. What was said by an unknown lawyer from the New Hampshire/Massachusetts border, far from the Court’s location in New York City, did not move the Court. Would the Court have been moved by the legislative history had it been the linchpin argument, or even a major argument, of the Wall Street firms -- firms well known to the Circuit and doubtlessly respected by it? One cannot know for certain, but one might consider it common sense to think it might have made a big difference to the Circuit if the legislative history argument had been pushed by prominent Wall Street firms whom the Court knows very well rather than solely by an unknown lawyer living far from New York City.(1)

When one considers that the Court has chosen to ignore the legislative intent -- has chosen to ignore Congress’ intent for prompt payment, has overridden Congress’ desire to protect small investors, has paid virtually no mind to the legislative desire to build confidence in markets -- the question arises of whether the Trustee and the judiciary have violated separation of powers and engaged in judicial legislation by doing what they think most appropriate while not even considering the Congressional purpose underlying the statute. This question comes up in regard to other matters too, as discussed below.

2. Relying solely on the statutory wording -- i.e., relying on the statute’s books and records clause -- the Circuit gave Trustees wide discretion to use whatever method of calculating net equity they deemed best in the circumstances of their cases. The Court appears to believe that there can be several ways of calculating net equity, depending on the particular facts of cases, and only if a Trustee chooses a method “clearly inferior” to some other method will the Court strike down a Trustee’s choice.

Paradoxically, while giving the Trustee wide discretion, the Court likewise said that as a matter of law CICO had to be used here. So I guess Trustees have wide discretion except when they don’t have wide discretion -- as here apparently, because the Court seemed to feel that the FSM method was “clearly inferior” to CICO on the facts of this case.

The grant of wide discretion to a Trustee in measuring net equity (unless and until a court rules there was no discretion in a case and only one method was permissible) will result in Trustees choosing measures that will save the most money for SIPC. Trustees, after all, make good livings by being SIPC trustees, and want to continue to get such assignments. So of course they will measure net equity in ways that save money for SIPC. Their likely varying choices of measurements of net equity will at times cause extended, long litigations on the subject, thereby insuring there will not be the prompt payments desired by Congress. The Trustees’ efforts likewise will mean there will be no confidence built up on the part of investors, and far less protection given them. Investors will again take it in the ear because of the Circuit’s decision.

There is also another crucial aspect to the ruling that Trustees are pretty much free to define net equity in any way they choose. The statute defines net equity essentially as meaning one’s securities positions minus one’s obligation to the broker. The statute also provides, in the section defining SIPC’s powers, that SIPC cannot change the statutory definition of net equity. Yet if SIPC and its Trustees can pick whatever definition of “securities positions” that suits them in the circumstances, for practical purposes is this not changing the definition of net equity? When you change the definition of a critical phrase in the definition of net equity, are you not thereby changing the definition of net equity itself for practical purposes? I would think you are, and that the Circuit’s decision is a plain violation of separation of powers and is judicial legislation overturning the explicitly expressed will of Congress.

Perhaps the Circuit felt it had to say there could be lots of definitions of net equity, depending on the circumstances. For if there could be only one definition of it, how to explain approving CICO now after the final statement method previously was used in something like 319½ out of 321 prior cases and, as the Court itself recognized, necessarily will be used in a host of future cases where CICO would be absurd? So, having to say there can be many definitions of net equity, the Court did say it. But what it said seems to me, as said above, a plain violation of separation of powers and a piece of judicial legislation, because it provides for SIPC and its trustees changing the definition of net equity to suit their purposes although Congress said the definition is not to be changed by SIPC.

3. The Circuit fully accepted the Trustee’s position that CICO was the only way to achieve fairness. Since there were those who took out more than they put in (net winners) and those who didn’t (net losers), the former would be unfairly advantaged if they received more (from the Trustee) while the latter have not yet fully recouped. Furthermore, the Court claimed, every dollar given by the Trustee to a person who had taken out more than he put in is a dollar made unavailable to one who has not gotten out all that he put in.

In terms of general fairness, the Court’s view -- its echoing of Picard -- is dubious. If one says that fairness is controlled solely by dollar figures (a very simpleminded view), than I suppose it makes sense to say that it is fair to insure that those who took out more than they put in (the net winners) should get nothing more unless and until there is complete recoupment by the others (the net losers). But is this fair if one considers more than just dollar figures, if one considers the complete situation? Those who took out more than they put in are, by and large I would think (pace Wilpons), the small people, the people who often are now remitted to poverty or something close to it. Those who didn’t take out more than they put in are, by contrast, usually huge and wealthy institutions such as hedge funds (or wealthy individuals). They are, moreover, the particular institutions, and the kinds of institutions, whom the Trustee himself has said enabled Madoff to maintain his fraud for years longer than it otherwise would have lasted. They did this by investing many, many billions of dollars without which the scam would have collapsed -- and without doing the due diligence of which they were financially and professionally capable and which would have caused the whistle to be blown on the fraud. And, by keeping the scam going, these institutions caused the losses of the small people to continue and to increase as the small investors put in more money year after year, took out more year after year in order to live, and thereby increased their losses and the potential clawbacks against them year after year.

Now, when one considers the complete situation, does it still look like using CICO rather than the FSM is the fair method? Not to me it doesn’t. I think it is no surprise that, unless he has sued them or entered a settlement with them which the Bankruptcy Court must approve, the Trustee has never been willing to identify the institutions (or very wealthy individuals) who have not taken out more than they put in, therefore have positive net equity under CICO, and will get SIPC advances and customer property. To reveal the identity of these institutions would be to disclose how unfair is the Trustee’s method of determining net equity, now approved by the Second Circuit.

There is another and extraordinarily fundamental matter pertaining to the Court’s claim that fairness requires use of CICO lest money given to net winners reduce, dollar for dollar, the funds available to net losers. The case in the Second Circuit involved two separate funds -- as the Court was aware because the matter of there being two separate funds was not only mentioned in briefs, but was discussed several times in the oral argument. One fund is the SIPC fund. That fund is created by contributions from the securities industry, and can be augmented by lines of credit obtained by SIPC and by requested appropriations from Congress. This fund is used to pay a customer up to $500,000, depending on her net equity, if a bankrupt broker’s coffers, as is usually the case, are insufficient to pay off. The amount of up to $500,000 is an advance against the customer’s share of the second fund, the customer property fund, but must be paid even if not one dollar of customer property is recovered. This further shows that, as I say, the SIPC fund is separate from the customer property fund, as Congress made clear -- though the Trustee and his counsel have tried, and in the Second Circuit have succeeded, in tricking this all up by their apparent claim that the SIPC fund is only a part of the customer property fund – and that the SIPC fund must be used to pay up to $500,000 of net equity even if there is no fund of customer property because no such property is recovered.

As I say, the Court was aware that there were two funds. From reading the oral argument several times, I think the Court also knew that payments to victims from the SIPC fund did not subtract one dollar from payments that other victims would get from either the SIPC fund or the fund of customer property. Yet though there were two funds, the Court appears to have deliberately treated the case almost exclusively as if there were only one fund, the customer property fund, and as if the SIPC fund were nothing but a specific branch of customer property, since payments from the SIPC fund are advances against customer property.

The nearly exclusive treatment of the case as involving only one fund, a customer property fund, is inherent in a number of the Court’s statements. Strikingly in this regard, the Court said that a dollar going to a net winner was a dollar denied to a net loser. That is simply untrue with regard to the SIPC fund, and I do not grasp how the Court could not have known it was untrue in regard to that fund. Yet the Court said it. I find this incomprehensible.

Maybe the Court thought the following, although it gave no indication of it. If net equity is measured by the Final Statement Method, then net winners will receive money from the SIPC fund and, having a positive net equity, will also be eligible for money from the customer property fund. Their eligibility for money from the customer property fund will take money that net losers would otherwise get from this fund, i.e., will take money from those who haven’t yet recouped all the money they put in.

But if this is what the Court thought, it told nobody about it in its opinion and was mistaken. For money from the customer property fund must be distributed “ratably” in accordance with respective net equities. Though the word “ratably” may sound like it means proportionally, and can mean proportionally, it doesn’t have to and doesn’t always mean that. It can mean merely that something can be rated or appraised or estimated. So . . . . . . if the FSM were used, it would be consonant with ratability to deny net winners any share of money from the customer property fund until net losers have received back all the money that they put in. This would allow net winners, who, as I say, often had to take out money to live and are now often impoverished, to receive advances from the SIPC fund in order to live, and would insure that they thereafter get nothing more -- get nothing from the customer property fund -- until all -- even the wealthy banks and hedge funds -- get back all the money that they put in.

It is noteworthy, in regard to finding some way to get money to the small investors whom Picard and the courts ironically call net winners (though they are often impoverished while hedge funds with scores of billions of dollars and near-trillion-dollar banks are called the net losers), that in hundreds and hundreds of pages of legislative history, Congress almost never discussed customer property. Congress was deeply concerned, rather, with the SIPC fund. It was the SIPC fund that was to provide the protection small investors needed, not the customer property fund. Yet Picard and the courts have focused entirely on the customer property fund, and to insure that so-called net winners get none of that fund, which Congress cared little about, have defined net equity in a way that insures that many small investors, so-called net winners, will get nothing from the SIPC fund, which Congress cared everything about because it was the SIPC fund that was considered the main protection for investors. To say that this is a distortion of priorities by Picard and the courts is mild. It is a point which should be one of the foci for petitions for rehearing or certiorari, I think. And while I myself, being a lawyer, would feel constrained from putting the whole matter the way it was recently put by a woman whom I believe is a leading member of the victims’ community, I think it is fair to quote to you what she recently wrote: “The court just rescued SIPC and Wall Street but condemned thousands of victims to poverty. You call that justice? These judges had the opportunity to come up with a little more creative solution to this problem but they chose the easy way out by regurgitating Picard’s lies. They had an agenda and it’s clear.” The statement about an agenda may be might be right or wrong, but it is, I think, the way lots of people feel, and the rest of the quote strikes me as right even if a lawyer would feel constrained from using some of its language.

4. Though Congress wanted SIPA to give confidence to investors, and to stimulate investment in the market, the Second Circuit’s opinion can only have the opposite effect. For now no investor can rely on his statement to know what he owns and to receive money from the SIPC fund accordingly. One cannot know in advance, of course, whether one is being victimized by a fraud -- if one knew there was a fraud it would be the rare case in which one would invest anyway.(2) And now the investor, who cannot know whether she is being subjected to a fraud, cannot depend on her brokerage statement to tell her what she has at her broker’s, cannot know whether she will receive up to $500,000 from SIPC, and has to reckon with the fact that a Trustee, on SIPC’s behalf, could (and will) deliberately choose a method of measuring net equity that may result in her getting nothing from SIPC. For the small investor this is entirely a disaster. One could just imagine what the situation would be if the FDIC were to tell depositors that it will not honor their bank statements because there was embezzlement which caused the bankrupt bank not to have the money shown on their statements. The situation here is no different.

In this regard, there are people who say that what Picard and the court have done is okay because investors, by definition, take risks. Of course, they take risks. That is inherent in investing. But the risk is of a decline in the market, a decline in the price of the securities one owns. The risk is (called) market risk. It is not risk of fraud. Fraud happens -- both in securities houses and banks. But both the FDIC and SIPA are supposed to protect against the fraud risk, albeit not against market risk.

5. There are many of us who believe that SIPC and Picard chose to use CICO because SIPC thought it did not have enough money in its SIPC fund to handle the Madoff problem if it used the FSM. The Trustee and SIPC have always resisted providing any information about the deliberations which led them to choose CICO. Defacto their position has been -- although they of course would never put it this way -- that no information need be given about such deliberations, and there can be no discovery into the deliberations, even if CICO thwarts the intent of Congress to protect investors. In taking this position defacto, they have violated separation of powers and have engaged in judicial legislation.

The Second Circuit has now done the same by ignoring the will of Congress, upholding positions which it deems fair in the circumstances regardless of what Congress wanted, and declining to address the fact that one party asked it to order the discovery necessary to learn why SIPC and Picard chose CICO. It has thereby eliminated the possibility of learning, through the judicial process, why CICO was chosen. Such elimination will also be the consequence of the Circuit’s (contradictory) statements that, even though trustees have discretion in selecting the method for measuring net equity, CICO is the only proper method here. The Trustee will quote the latter half of the contradictory statements to argue, yet again, that discovery of the real reasons why CICO was chosen -- discovery of whether it was chosen because of SIPC’s lack of funds even though it thwarts Congressional intent -- is improper because, after all, the Second Circuit said CICO is the only proper method for determining net equity here.

There may, however, be non judicial ways of determining what many of us think are the real reasons CICO was chosen. Congress could find out through legislative subpoenas and investigation or through the inquiries that now have been undertaken by the GAO. And what would happen if Congress were to learn that a concern over lack of sufficient monies in the SIPC fund was the reason, or an important reason, that caused CICO to be used instead of the FSM? Would the Second Circuit’s decision still stand because it said CICO is the only proper method here and this remains true regardless of the reason CICO was used? Or, contrariwise, would the Circuit’s opinion have to fall because it is the product of a bill of goods sold to the Court as the reasons for using CICO and because the Court focused entirely on the effect of net equity on the customer property fund while entirely ignoring its effect on the SIPC fund, about which Congress was far more concerned? My own view would be the latter, but there will be others who feel differently.

I should add that this problem is another one that stems from the basic nature of the procedure that was used here. Lawyers will immediately grasp my meaning when I say that this case, from the Bankruptcy Court through the Second Circuit, was a summary judgment without any opportunity for discovery, a procedure I believe very rare if known at all. So called summary judgments, which end a case before trial, are given only when each side has had discovery to learn the facts supporting and opposing it. But here no discovery was allowed or had on crucial matters such as the underlying reasons of SIPC and the Trustee for using CICO, the extent to which huge banks and hedge funds are helped and small victims are hurt by using CICO rather than the FSM, and other matters. The judiciary denied discovery, simply took one side’s (the Trustee’s) word for things, and then ruled against the victims who were not permitted discovery. This is, I think, a pretty astonishing method of proceeding where anybody on the losing side has sought discovery, and in this case one victim did. Guess who that was. His requests for discovery were rejected in the Bankruptcy Court and ignored in the appellate court. And again, common sense causes one to believe the requests for discovery might have received more respect from the courts had they been made by the large Wall Street firms the Circuit knows and respects -- but who were so convinced of the infallibility of their argument from the words of the statute that they thought discovery irrelevant -- instead of by an unknown guy from the far-off New Hampshire/Massachusetts border.

6. There are three points, which I shall very briefly allude to, that caught my eye in studying the opinion.

One is that the Circuit accepted the idea that, though no securities were bought or sold (with minor exceptions), still the victims had a claim for securities, as reflected in their final statements, because they gave Madoff money to purchase securities. Yet, though victims had a claim for the securities shown in their final statements, the value of those securities was not the value for them shown in the final statements. This has always been Picard’s position, and has always struck me as bizarre. After all, have you ever heard of a person who thought he owned securities because they were shown on his statement but (barring a mistake) has not thought the value of the securities was what was shown on the same statement? As I say, bizarre.

A second point is the alleged concern -- the bill of goods sold to the Second Circuit by the SEC and SIPC in New Times and repeated in Madoff -- that, unless CICO is used, the fraudster will dictate who gets what; in particular he will dictate huge sums for his cronies and will break the SIPC fund. The Madoff case is in itself proof that this is untrue. Madoff’s cronies -- e.g., Levy, Picower, Chais -- have been caught and have been forced already to disgorge huge sums or have been sued for huge sums. Moreover, as I’ve said many times before (but as the Circuit did not care), it has been customary in the financial world for decades to use surrogate measurements to determine what would have been or will be made -- here what would have been made if the deal had been honest.

7. Finally, it must be noted that the Trustee is seeking huge sums from large institutions that should have known Madoff was a fraud because they knew of serious red flags but ignored them in order to reap profits from the Madoff fraud. If the courts allow the Trustee to sue for those sums, and if he wins them at trial or by settlement, then the victims will ultimately be made whole because they will recoup fraud damages from the general estate. The Trustee’s and the Circuit’s denial of net equity, and therefore of a share of customer property, to small victims who have a negative net equity under CICO, will ultimately not deny full recovery to the victims. But, and it is a very big but, for this to occur the courts will have to allow the Trustee to sue the huge institutions for the damages they caused, which at least currently is not looking all that likely after Judge Rakoff’s recent decision on the matter in the HSBC case. Also, the courts would have to agree that the huge banks will be liable if they, as charged, knew of but ignored red flags in service of making profits. How the courts will rule on this question is unknown. And finally, ultimately might be a long time -- it could possibly be years before the Trustee defeats or settles with the large banks (though one hopes for faster results).



(1) At an early point, before the legislative history had been researched, one of the major New York City lawyers told me definitively that it contained nothing helpful. The subsequent research showed the contrary to be true, but the New York lawyers stuck with the doomed statutory argument they had selected early on.


(2) Some such possibly rare cases are currently in litigation.





Thursday, August 18, 2011

Amicus Curiae Brief of the Network For Investor Action and Protection



AMICUS CURIAE BRIEF OF THE
NETWORK FOR INVESTOR ACTION AND PROTECTION


STATEMENT

The Network For Investor Action And Protection (“NIAP”) is a two year old organization with about 1,200 members which arose because of the Madoff debacle and seeks to protect against frauds that victimize investors. It especially seeks to protect small investors, who comprise almost its entire membership.

During the course of its existence, NIAP has been active in both legislative and judicial matters, and was allowed to file amicus curiae briefs in the Second Circuit on the question of net equity. NIAP has had the benefit of study of extensive writings on the economic, financial, legal and political aspects of the Madoff fraud, including the role played by large financial institutions in enabling that fraud.

In this amicus brief NIAP seeks to present its views regarding the question of red flags known to large financial institutions that facilitated Madoff’s Ponzi scheme. The question of red flags is before the Court in this case, and NIAP has a deep interest in the question because, if the Court decides the question, as it may, the decision could have a major impact on cases that will be brought by members of NIAP.

ARGUMENT

Large Financial Institutions, Like JPMC, Which Knew Of Red Flags But Ignored Them In Service Of Reaping Large Profits, Should Not Be Permitted To Escape Liability.

It has long been understood that the Congressional purpose underlying the Securities Investor Protection Act is to protect the small investor and thereby build his confidence in markets. The protection of investors and of the integrity of securities markets was likewise the goal of the 1933 Securities Act and of the 1934 Securities Exchange Act. Congress’ repeated purpose of protecting investors and markets requires that frauds, including Ponzi schemes, be detected and stopped as early as possible, thereby lessening and at times even perhaps eliminating the losses caused by the frauds.

As the Madoff and Stanford cases have taught yet again, we cannot rely solely on governmental and quasi-governmental agencies to detect fraud early-on. The failure of the SEC (once a premier governmental body) and FINRA to detect Madoff’s Ponzi scheme while it grew to be the largest fraud in financial history is proof enough that we cannot rely on government or quasi-government alone. The same is true with regard to the huge Stanford fraud. To stop fraud as early as possible, and thereby protect investors, we must, rather, as in so many other areas of economic and social life, enlist the cooperation and assistance of knowledgeable private professionals who discover the existence or possibility of fraud during the course of their professional work. Again as in so many areas of professional and economic life, we must marry those professionals’ economic interests to the stopping of fraud when they learn of its existence or possibility.

To rely on knowledgeable private parties to root out illegality even though there also are governmental agencies devoted to the same purpose, and to marry the private parties’ economic interests to this, is nothing unusual. It is one of the purposes behind antitrust treble damage suits, behind suits for discrimination in the workplace, and behind whistleblower suits. The principle is as applicable here, in the securities fraud area, as it is there.

The worst possible thwarting of Congress’ goal of protecting investors, especially small ones, would be to do the opposite of marrying professionals’ economic interests to the rooting out of fraud. For such opposite would be to permit professionals to take advantage of known or suspected frauds, including Ponzi schemes, by making large profits from frauds at the expense of unsuspecting innocent investors. When a financially expert institution learns of facts giving rise to the suspicion of fraud, fidelity to the intent of Congress, and fidelity to plain honesty and decency, require the institution to try to determine the truth -- the expert institution is on inquiry notice because it suspects fraud -- and also require the institution to report the unhappy facts to government agencies charged with maintaining honesty in investments -- the SEC, FINRA and state securities commissions -- so that wrongdoers can both be stopped and brought to justice.
The idea that one cannot remain silent and take advantage of a possible problem -- here the idea that large financially expert institutions which learned of facts that, given their knowledge and expertise, should have put them on inquiry notice that Madoff was a fraud and they should not use the Madoff fraud to reap huge profits without investigating the situation first -- is not a new or novel idea in American or English law. For scores or hundreds of years knowledgeable parties have not been permitted to remain silent while making fortunes because of innocent victims. A manufacturer of airplane parts who reasonably suspects possible defects that could cause a plane to crash cannot with impunity sell the parts to an airplane manufacturer without providing notice of the possible defects, and make fortunes from doing so. Rather, the manufacturer must take steps to determine whether the defects exist and must correct them if they do exist. The parts manufacturer who fails to take these remedial steps will be liable to persons (or their heirs) who are injured or killed in crashes caused by the defective parts. The same obtains with regard to the manufacturer or seller of car parts, and with regard to companies which manufacture medicines. To speak of impunity from suit by injured third parties for such culprits would be considered ludicrous. To speak of them as having no duty to foreseeably injured or killed third parties, and as being able to benefit financially to the tune of hundreds of millions or even billions of dollars from their failure to seek to detect the truth and make corrections, is similarly ludicrous, since it is just another way of granting immunity from suit for reprehensible and immoral conduct.

Yet it appears that here, where the same principles are applicable, certain large financial institutions -- which are said to have made enormous sums from or because of Madoff while suspecting that a fraud was in progress -- are claiming that they had no duty to investigate and are not liable to third parties whose injuries were not only foreseeable but were certain to occur at some point. It is also claimed that this is demanded by the banking law of the Second Circuit -- which has never faced a problem of such magnitude as the current one, a problem involving a fraud that is by far the largest in history and was enabled by large banking institutions, the same kind of institutions and sometimes the very same institutions whose reckless conduct caused the current devastating recession.(1) Why these large institutions should be able to make fortunes while evading Congress’ repeatedly implemented desire to protect small investors escapes us. And why these large institutions should escape the principles of duty, investigation and corrective action applicable to, say, manufacturers of airplane or car parts or manufacturers of pharmaceuticals, likewise escapes us. Evasion of responsibility for failure to investigate reasonable and sometimes strongly-held suspicions while making fortunes because of the crime seems to be the result of limitless greed.

The attempted evasion of responsibility for failure to investigate in the face of red flags, while making giant sums because of Madoff’s fraud, is an unconscionable device for enabling the large institutions to escape from liability scot-free. It will cause innocent small investors not to recoup their losses because, without recovery from the culpable institutions which made fortunes while ignoring badges of fraud -- i.e., while ignoring red flags -- the losses of the innocent investors cannot be sufficiently recouped. This untoward, anti-Congressional-intent result is only the more indefensible when one considers the nature of the red flags themselves, all of which -- or nearly all of which – were generally unknown to the small investor, but many of which -- sometimes most or all of which -- were known to the large institutions or investors whose cases have been brought to the District Court for the Southern District by withdrawals of references. So powerful and well known to institutions were these red flags that it is proper to regard the institutions as having actual knowledge that some kind of fraud or illegality was in progress and that its precise nature might very well be a Ponzi scheme. Some of these oft-flagrant red flags apparently were known to all the large professional financial institutions whose cases are now before the District Court for the Southern District, and the Trustee has mentioned most or all of these red flags in complaints and briefs. Others of the red flags, also mentioned by the Trustee, were known to some but not all of these large institutions. But rarely if ever were any of them known to small investors. Here are some of the more important ones that have been talked of since Madoff’s fraud was revealed on December 11, 2008 -- since Madoff got busted, one might say:

1. Because of the amount of money he supposedly was running, the execution of Madoff’s split strike conversion strategy required more options than existed on exchanges or, apparently, in the world. Nor would Madoff identify the supposed counterparties from whom or to whom he supposedly was buying and selling options over the counter.

2. Madoff appeared to have an uncanny, and impossible, ability to buy stocks at their lowest price on a given day and to sell them at their highest price on a given day.

3. Madoff did his own custodial and clearing functions. There was no way to know whether the assets he claimed to be holding really existed.

4. Madoff was extraordinarily secretive: he would not meet with experts who wished to do due diligence, would refuse to respond to crucial questions when he did meet with them, and forbade his feeder funds from mentioning that they had put their money with him.

5. Though the 703 Account at JPMC was supposedly for the purpose of buying and selling securities (by the scores or hundreds of millions of dollars at a time), no money went out of the account to securities dealers from whom stocks would have been bought and no money came into it from securities dealers to whom stocks would have been sold.

6. Though Madoff supposedly was buying and selling huge quantities of stocks, his supposed trading could not be “seen” in the market and never seemed to move the market.

7. Madoff’s accountant was a one-man shop. Nor was it registered with the Public Company Accounting Oversight Board or subject to peer oversight.

8. So called FOCUS reports that Madoff filed with the SEC were false. They vastly understated cash and loans.

9. Wall Street was rife with rumors that Madoff was a fraud -- that he was illegally front running or a Ponzi scheme. People on Wall Street knew of these rumors but kept the rumors to themselves.

10. Family members held the highest positions at Madoff’s firm.

11. Experts were unable to replicate his results.

12. Madoff obtained his compensation in a way that experts found incomprehensible because he left vast sums on the table.

13. Regular transfers of huge sums went back and forth scores of times between Madoff and Norman Levy for no observable business purpose, thus indicating that the 703 fund was being used for some unknown nefarious purpose.

14. Experts though Madoff’s results were too good to be true.(2)

15. Various characteristics of Madoff’s scheme appeared to ape those of other schemes which had been exposed, such as the Petters, Bayou and Refco frauds.


There were other red flags as well as those listed above, but the foregoing list illustrates that there were major badges of fraud, observable to Wall Street experts, which should have resulted in them investigating Madoff’s scheme, refusing to do business with him (as a few did refuse because of suspicions raised by red flags), and blowing the whistle on him to state and federal authorities. In fact, knowledge of particular red flags -- such as the lack of sufficient options to support Madoff’s purported trading, his ability to always sell at a day’s highest price and buy at it’s lowest, the inability to “see” his supposed buying and selling in the market, the failure of monies in the 703 Account to be used to buy securities or to flow in from the sale of securities, and Madoff’s false reporting to the SEC -- were not only badges of fraud that should have resulted in banks refusing to continue doing business with Madoff, but were proof that some form of fraud was in process and that it likely was a Ponzi scheme. Indeed, if one knew the foregoing facts relating to monies in the 703 Account not being used to buy securities and not stemming from the sale of securities, one had to conclude the fraud was a Ponzi scheme.

That the existence of some form of fraud was self evident, or should have been, to financial professionals is reflected in quotations in the Trustee’s amended complaint against J.P. Morgan Chase dated June 24, 2011. The amended complaint quotes one Wall Street figure, “Robert Rosenkranz of Acorn Partners, a fund of funds manager and an investment adviser to high net worth individuals,” as saying that Accorn had performed due diligence on Madoff years before December 11, 2008, and had “concluded [on the basis of only a few of the red flags, not nearly all of them or even half of them] ‘that fraudulent activity was highly likely.’” Trustee’s Amended Complaint Against JPMorgan Chase dated June 24, 2011, pp. 67-68. Acorn had thought that even the relatively few badges of fraud it observed “‘were not merely warning lights, but a smoking gun.’” It had believed “‘that the account statements and trade confirmations [it had managed to get access to] were not bona fide but were generated as part of some sort of fraudulent or improper activity.’” (Id., p. 68.)
The huge financial institutions whose cases have been removed from the Bankruptcy Court to the District Court via withdrawal of references did not do the due diligence which they could have done -- and that a few professionals like Acorn did do --and which their knowledge gave them a duty to do. Instead, for their own massive financial benefit, these institutions, whose cases are now in the District Court, sucked small investors into Madoff’s fraud and/or facilitated the fraud, thus indicating that the Trustee is right when he repeatedly accuses these gigantic companies of forgoing their responsibilities to others in service of making huge sums of money for themselves.

Amici believe that financial institutions which ignored red flags known to them should not be allowed to escape liability, and particularly should not be allowed to escape it by arguing that they have no duty to inquire into the existence of a fraud that would devastate thousands of persons, could thus facilitate the fraud and make hundreds of millions or billions of dollars with impunity from suit, and can be liable only if they had actual knowledge that a fraud was taking place. To allow financial institutions to escape liability to innocent victims if the institutions did not have actual knowledge of fraud here, but only knowledge which they ignored of red flags indicating the possibility of fraud or, as Acorn thought, the virtual certainty of fraud, would be like allowing airplane parts manufacturers to escape liability to victims if they did not have actual knowledge, but only suspected, that there were defects in parts which then caused crashes that killed dozens, scores or hundreds of people. It would be like allowing drug manufacturers to escape liability to victims who are seriously sickened by or die from a drug which the manufacturers only suspected was defective but did not actually know to be defective.(3)

And it would frustrate the Congressional intent to protect investors, particularly small ones -- a Congressional intent repeatedly stated in the Congressional reports and rife throughout the floor debates on SIPA and its amendments. The only way to carry out that Congressional intent in the case of a giant fraud like Madoff’s is to recover ill gotten money from those who facilitated the fraud -- a fraud whose size, devastation and facilitation by huge banking institutions has never before confronted the courts.

Here, as the Trustee has repeatedly said, the efforts of the large institutions whose cases have been withdrawn from the Bankruptcy Court to the District Court -- the large institutions that ignored red flags known to them -- were instrumental in enabling Madoff’s fraud to keep going from about 1999 or 2000 to December 2008 -- to keep going even when Madoff’s Ponzi scheme would otherwise have run out of funds and failed. By enabling the fraud to continue, the large banks’ efforts caused there to be thousands of additional victims, caused a vast increase in the losses of investors who were in Madoff from the 1980s or 1990s and who innocently kept putting in more money or taking out (for living purposes) funds which they thought they had every right to but which the Trustee now seeks to claw back from them, and enabled the institutions to make nearly unimaginable sums of money. The protection of small investors envisioned by Congress, and fundamental long-standing principles of law long applicable to large companies, require that the culpable institutions here be liable to recompense the innocent investors, who sometimes are people of advanced age, and whose finances were blasted or destroyed by a fraud which the institutions greatly facilitated for their own multibillion dollar benefit.(4)



(1) The claim being made about what allegedly is demanded by Second Circuit banking law is very dubious at best. The subject is discussed in Lerner v. Fleet Bank, 459 F.3d 273 (C.A. 2, 2006).


(2) To the unsophisticated small investor, Madoff’s results seemed explicable for several reasons. There were highly successful mutual funds which made more than he did over 10 and 15 year periods. His investment results also were no better than and sometimes were below, even far below, the amounts made by recognized investment leaders like Bill Miller of Legg Mason, who finished ahead of the S&P for fifteen straight years, Warren Buffett, Bill Gross of PIMCO, Julian Robertson and George Soros. These people were (and are) recognized as having unusual financial acumen, and to small people there was no apparent reason why Madoff wasn’t another such individual. As for the consistency of his returns, and the sparse periods of losses, this seemed plausible to average investors because Madoff did not seek large gains but only small incremental gains, which is a technique for avoiding losses, and, very importantly, he supposedly bought options that provided downside protection. Not to mention that his technique appeared to conform to Warren Buffett’s three well known (and oft proven right) rules for investment success: (1) Don’t lose money. (2) Don’t lose money. And (3) never forget rules 1 and 2. Experts on Wall Street, however, regarded Madoff’s results as inexplicable and too good to be true, but kept their opinions largely to themselves and certainly did not make their opinions public, so small investors never knew of them.


(3) Just as is true in the examples regarding defects known to parts or drug manufacturers, whether any particular financial institution had enough knowledge of red flags to be culpable is a question for the trier of fact. Our point is simply that the financial institutions, like manufacturers, cannot automatically escape from liability, as they are attempting to do.


(4) The principles concerning red flags set forth in this amicus brief are applicable regardless of whether a lawsuit is permissibly brought against a large financial institution by the Trustee in order to recoup money for investors or is brought by the investors themselves. Whether the Trustee can permissibly bring third party claims to obtain money for investors is an issue that is currently before the Court. As the Court knows, the Trustee lost on this issue before Judge Rakoff.

Wednesday, June 22, 2011

AMICUS CURIAE BRIEF OF LAWRENCE R. VELVEL ON THE APPLICATION HERE OF THE SUPREME COURT CASES --FROM TUMEY v. OHIO TO CAPERTON v. MASSEY COAL -- THAT BAR GOVERNMENTAL LEGAL DECISIONS FROM BEING MADE BY PERSONS WITH A FINANCIAL INTEREST IN THE DECISIONS.


STATEMENT

Lawrence R. Velvel is a victim of Bernard Madoff. Velvel, who is a lawyer, has participated in the briefing on the net equity question (and other questions) in the Bankruptcy Court in the Madoff case, and has filed two briefs on his own behalf on the net equity question in the Second Circuit Court of Appeals. In this amicus brief, Velvel elaborates the question -- raised on pages 15-17 of the motion for a withdrawal of reference filed by Helen Chaitman on behalf of James Greiff and others -- of the applicability to the question of the Trustee’s fees of the Supreme Court’s line of cases running from Tumey v. Ohio, 273 U.S. 510 (1927) to Caperton v. Massey Coal Co., Inc., 556 U.S. ___ (2009). The applicability of this line of constitutional law further supports the withdrawal of the reference sought by Ms. Chaitman.

ARGUMENT

1. Introduction: Due Process Requires That Legal Judgments Must Be Made By Officials Who Do Not Benefit Financially From Their Decisions.

It is a fundamental principle of due process that, when a legal judgment is made by a judicial, executive, administrative or quasi-governmental official, that official must not benefit financially from the decision. Nor can there be financial benefit to a governmental institution or function under the official’s purview. This principle of due process has been powerfully enunciated by the Supreme Court in Tumey v. Ohio, 273 U.S. 510 (1927); Ward v. Village of Monroeville, 409 U.S. 57 (1972); Gibson v. Berryhill, 411 U.S. 564 (1973); Aetna Life Insurance Co. v. Lavoie, 475 U.S. 813 (1986); Caperton v. Massey Coal Co., Inc., 556 U.S. ___, 129 S. Ct. Rep. 2252, 173 L.Ed. 2d 1208 (2009). The principle of no financial benefit, the Court has repeatedly said, is necessary in order to ensure that “the balance [is held] nice, clear and true.” Tumey, 273 U.S. at 532; Caperton, 556 U.S. at ___, 129 S. Ct. at 2260, 173 L.Ed. 2d at 1218 (quoting Tumey v. Ohio).

In this case Irving Picard is the Bankruptcy Trustee, the SIPC Trustee and a special master appointed by the Department of Justice to distribute billions of dollars forfeited to it by Carl Shapiro and Jeffry Picower. In these capacities he is an officer of the Bankruptcy Court (as has been explicitly held by the Supreme Court with regard to the position of Bankruptcy Trustee) (Callaghan v. Reconstruction Finance Corp., 297 U.S. 464, 468 (1936)), a functionary of the Department of Justice, and exercises governmental and quasi-governmental power to make and/or participate in legal decisions that affect thousands of people and involve literally billions of dollars, e.g., initial decisions on how net equity shall be defined and from whom clawbacks shall be demanded.

Unfortunately, it has recently been discovered that the Trustee, and perhaps also his counsel, David Sheehan, with whom he works very closely, may benefit personally and financially, to the tune of millions of dollars, perhaps scores of millions of dollars, from the decisions the Trustee makes and implements. (The amounts of money involved here dwarf the amounts in the Supreme Court’s cases.) Though it is already pretty certain (as will be described below) that financial benefits will accrue to the Trustee from the decisions he makes (and may accrue to his colleague David Sheehan also), the precise details of the relevant financial arrangements under which the Trustee will receive major financial benefits are still not known. There must be discovery to flesh out the precise details of the arrangements; plaintiff will subsequently discuss and request the needed discovery.

2. The Supreme Court Cases Holding That Legal Decisions Cannot Be Made By Persons Who Will Benefit Financially From Them.

In Tumey v. Ohio, a village mayor had the power to try and fine persons accused of possessing intoxicating beverages in violation of state law. The mayor himself received a portion of the fines; he received $696 dollars in fees, compensation and costs from such fines in an eight month period. The Supreme Court ruled this system unconstitutional. Pointing out that such a pecuniary interest rendered it unconstitutional for the mayor to decide on the defendants liability, the Court also said, “With his interest as mayor in the financial condition of the village and his responsibility therefore, might not a defendant with reason say that he feared he could not get a fair trial or a fair sentence from one who would have so strong a motive to help his village by conviction and a heavy fine?” Tumey, supra, 273 U.S. at 533.

In Ward v. Monroeville, supra, a village mayor determined guilt or innocence in cases of alleged traffic violations and imposed fines and costs on parties he convicted. Roughly forty percent of the village’s annual income (or between $16,000 and $23,000 per year) came from the fines and costs he imposed. (Unlike in Tumey, the mayor did not himself receive any money; it all went to Monroeville.) The Supreme Court ruled this system unconstitutional too, saying that the fact the mayor in Tumey had “a direct, personal, substantial pecuniary interest” and “shared directly in the fees and costs did not define the limits of the principle” forbidding legal decisions from being made by interested parties. Ward v. Monroeville, 409 U.S. at 60. Rather, the Court said, there must be no “possible temptation to the average man” that “might lead him “not to hold the balance nice, clear and true . . . .” Ibid. “Plainly,” said the Court, “that ‘possible temptation’ may also exist when the mayor’s executive responsibilites [sic] for village finances may make him partisan to maintain the high level of contribution from the mayor’s court.” Ibid.

The Court also rejected the argument that the arrangement at issue should be upheld because, after the mayor’s decision, an erroneous decision “can be corrected on appeal and trial de novo in the County Court of Common Pleas.” 409 U.S. at 61-62. The Court said, “Nor, in any event, may the State’s trial court procedure be deemed constitutionally acceptable simply because the State eventually offers a defendant an impartial adjudication. Petitioner is entitled to a neutral and detached judge in the first instance.” 409 U.S. at 61-62. (Emphasis added.)

In Gibson v. Berryhill, a state Board of Optometrists, comprised exclusively of optometrists in private practice for their own account, was going to hold hearings against optometrists employed by a corporation. The charge was that Alabama law was violated when practicing optometrists worked for a corporation. The Supreme Court upheld a lower court decision that the Board members were biased by personal self interest because half the optometrists in the state were employed by corporations, so that “success in the Board’s efforts would possibly redound to the personal benefit of members of the Board” (who were, as said, in private practice for their own account, and would benefit from elimination of competition from optometrists employed by corporations). 411 U.S. at 578. “It is sufficiently clear from our cases,” continued the Court, that those with substantial pecuniary interest in legal proceedings should not adjudicate these disputes. Tumey v. Ohio, 273 U.S. 510, 47 S.Ct. 437, 71 L.Ed. 749 (1927). And Ward v. Monroeville, 409 U.S. 57, 93 S.Ct. 80, 34 L.Ed.2d 267 (1972), indicates that the financial stake need not be as direct or positive as it appeared to be in Tumey. It has also come to be the prevailing view that ‘(m)ost of the law concerning disqualification because of interest applies with equal force to . . . administrative adjudicators.’ K. Davis, Administrative Law Text s 12.04, p. 250 (1972), and cases cited. (411 U.S. at 479.)

Here again the fact that the aggrieved parties could receive a favorable decision from a higher Alabama body than the Board (from the state Supreme Court) did not warrant a refusal by the lower court to adjudicate the case. 411 U.S. at 580.
In the fourth of the cases, Aetna Life Insurance Co. v. Lavoie, a state Supreme Court Justice named Embry participated in and wrote a per curiam opinion in an insurance bad faith case whose outcome affected, and aided, a wholly separate case filed by Justice Embry against Blue Cross. (Judge Embry later settled his own litigation for $30,000. (475 U.S. at 824.)) The Supreme Court ruled that Justice Embry’s work in the Aetna case “undoubtedly ‘raised the stakes’” for Blue Cross in Justice Embry’s own suit, “to the benefit of Justice Embry. Thus, Justice Embry’s opinion for the Alabama Supreme Court had the clear and immediate effect of enhancing both the legal status and the settlement value of his own case,” and he unconstitutionally “acted as a ‘judge in his own case.’” 475 U.S. at 824.

Whether Judge Embry’s view and decision in Aetna was actually influenced by his own case was irrelevant. The Court said:

We conclude that Justice Embry’s participation in this case violated appellant’s due process rights as explicated in Tumey, Murchison, and Ward. We make clear that we are not required to decide whether in fact Justice Embry was influenced, but only whether sitting on the case then before the Supreme Court of Alabama” ‘would offer a possible temptation to the average … judge to … lead him to not to hold the balance nice, clear and true.’” Ward, 409 U.S., at 60, 93 S.Ct., at 83 (quoting Tumey v. Ohio, supra, 273 U.S., at 532, 47 S.Ct., at 444). (475 U.S. at 825.)

Finally, less than two years ago the Supreme Court decided Caperton v. Massey Coal Co., Inc., 556 U.S. ____, 129 S. Ct. at 2252, 173 L.Ed. 2d 1208 (2009). In that case the Chairman of Massey Coal contributed a major sum of money -- three million dollars -- to the campaign of a candidate running for a justiceship of the West Virginia Supreme Court, Brent Benjamin. Benjamin won. Shortly afterwards, a major appeal by Massey Coal was heard in the West Virginia Supreme Court. Massey won. Justice Benjamin voted in its favor.

Justice Benjamin said in several opinions that he had no direct or substantial financial interest in the case. 556 U.S. at ___, 129 S. Ct. at 2262-63, 173 L.Ed. 2d at 1221. The Supreme Court nonetheless reversed the decision below in favor of Massey Coal.

The Court said that the rule against pecuniary interest exists because ‘“no man is allowed to be a judge in his own cause’” and “because his interest would certainly bias his judgment, and, not improbably, corrupt his integrity.” 556 U.S. ___, at 129 S. Ct. at 2259, 179 L.Ed. 2d at 1217, 1218. There are circumstances, it continued, “in which experience teaches that the probability of actual bias on the part of the judge or decisionmaker is too high to be constitutionally tolerable.” Ibid. (Emphasis added.) The Court then canvassed, among others, the Tumey, Ward, Gibson and Aetna cases, among others, saying inter alia that it was concerned not just with pecuniary interest, but also with adherence to neutrality (556 U.S. at ___, 129 S. Ct. at 2261, 173 L.Ed. 2d at 1218) and that it was necessary to avoid even “‘possible temptation.’” (Ibid.) (Emphasis added.) Thus, it is not necessary to decide whether influence is in fact present, because it is enough that there could be possible temptation. 556 U.S. at ___, 129 S. Ct. at 2260, 173 L.Ed. 2d at 1218.

Turning to the facts of the case before it, the Court did not question the assertions of impartiality and propriety in Justice Benjamin’s opinions. 456 U.S. at ___, 129 S. Ct. at 2263, 173 L.Ed. 2d at 1221. Rather it “asked whether, ‘under a realistic appraisal of psychological tendencies and human weakness,’ the interest ‘poses such a risk of actual bias or prejudgment that the practice must be forbidden if the guarantee of due process is to be adequately implemented.’” 456 U.S. at ___, 129 S. Ct. at 2263, 179 L.Ed. 2d at 1222. The Court “conclude[d] that there is a serious risk of actual bias -- based on objective and reasonable perceptions -- when a person with a personal stake in a particular case had a significant and disproportionate influence in placing the judge on the case by raising funds or directing the judge’s election campaign when the case was pending or imminent.” 456 U.S. at ___, 129 S. Ct. at 2263-64, 173 L.Ed. 2d at 1222.

The risk of possible bias, said the Court, is a question of the circumstances. The Court recognized that “Not every campaign contribution by a litigant or attorney creates a probability of bias that requires a judge’s recusal, but this is an exceptional case.” 456 U.S. ___, 129 S. Ct. at 2263, 173 L.Ed. 2d at 1222 The large size of the contribution (three million dollars), the fact that it was 300% larger than the amount spent by Benjamin’s campaign committee and “eclipsed the amount spent by all other Benjamin supporters,” the fact that the contribution was made when Massey’s forthcoming appeal to the West Virginia Supreme court would be before Judge Benjamin if he were elected to that court, and the fact that Massey’s Chairman had a personal stake in the case caused there to be a violation of due process when Judge Benjamin sat on the case, even though there would be no such violation in a run of the mill case of contributions to a judge’s election campaign. Thus “under all the circumstances” of the case -- which were exceptional, as was also true in some prior cases where the Constitution required recusal -- due process required the recusal of Judge Benjamin lest there be temptation ‘“not to hold the balance nice, clear and true.’” 456 U.S. at ___, 129 S. Ct. at 2263-65, 173 L.Ed. 2d at 1222, 1223-1224.

The risk of actual bias, the Court reiterated, is not the test. 456 U.S. at ___, 129 S. Ct. at 2265, 173 L.Ed. 2d at 1224. The relevant “standards may also require recusal whether or not actual bias exists or can be proved.” Id. (Emphasis added.) There must be no “possible temptation” not to hold the balance nice, clear and true. Id.

* * * * *

The Supreme Court has thus ruled that decisonmakers of many types, from judges to members of boards to political figures making legal decisions, can have no financial interest in their decisions. This is so whether the decisionmakers will receive money themselves, whether money will go to their agencies or towns, whether they will shed themselves of competition. It is true across the board. There need not be proof of actual bias, for even possible temptation, possible bias, must be avoided. Nor need there be giant sums of money involved. Far smaller sums such as hundreds of dollars, or $20,000 dollars, are sufficient to involve the principle of no financial interest.

3. The Trustee Appears To Have A Vast Financial Interest In His Legal Decisions.

A. For a couple of years very little if anything was known about how Irving Picard came to be the SIPC Trustee in the Madoff matter, or what his arrangements with his law firm, Baker & Hostetler, might be with regard to Madoff. It did become known that Picard was SIPC’s number one Trustee, its “go to guy” so to speak, who had been appointed the SIPC Trustee in ten or so cases over the years, including some of SIPC’s most important ones, and that he had been criticized by a federal court for overzealousness in pursuing SIPC’s interest. But the details of Picard’s arrangements with Baker & Hostetler regarding the Madoff case remained in the dark.

In 2011 a New York Times financial reporter, Diana Henriques, published a book on the Madoff case in which she shed some light on the hiring of Picard. Henriques, The Wizard of Lies, Henry Holt & Co., 216-218 (NY, 2011).

On December 11, 2008, the date Madoff was arrested, Picard had been a partner for many years in the Gibbons Del Deo firm. One of his partners there had been David Sheehan, with whom Picard had worked on many brokerage liquidations but who had recently moved to Baker & Hostetler. Sheehan and Picard had discussed a possible move to Baker & Hostetler by Picard, and planned to discuss it further after January 1, 2009 (more than three weeks after the Madoff fraud was disclosed on December 11, 2008). Ibid.

On Thursday, December 11th SIPC called Picard to ask whether he could be its Trustee in the Madoff case if necessary. Picard said he would check to see if the Gibbons firm had any conflicts. Also, at some point between Thursday, December 11 and Sunday, December 14th (Henriques does not make clear exactly when), SIPC asked Sheehan if he would be counsel to whomever was appointed Trustee. Ibid.

The Gibbons firm did have a potential conflict because it had long represented the family and interests of Senator Frank Lautenberg, who were Madoff victims, and it might represent them again in the Madoff case. A statement by a Gibbons partner led Picard to believe he had to choose between becoming the Trustee in the Madoff case and remaining at Gibbons. Ibid.

On Sunday afternoon, December 14, just three days after Madoff had been arrested on Thursday, December 11, a group of Baker & Hostetler partners interviewed Picard and immediately offered him a job. On Monday, December 15, the next day, he accepted Baker & Hostetler’s offer, resigned from Gibbons, and was appointed Trustee by Judge Stanton. Ibid.

Thus, according to Henriques’ book, Baker & Hostetler made an instantaneous decision to hire Picard after the Madoff fraud was disclosed and he had been given to understand that he might be the Trustee, and Picard instantly accepted Baker & Hostetler’s offer and resigned from the Gibbons firm.

B. Subsequent to Picard’s appointment as Trustee, he long gave people to believe that he would not receive any portion of the fees awarded to Baker & Hostetler in the Madoff proceeding. Thus at the hearing on his first interim fee application, he said:

As noted at paragraph 33 of my application and contrary to the implication of certain objections that have been filed with the Court and before the press, the amounts that will be awarded either today or at another time are going to be turned over to Baker & Hostetler, the firm of which I am a partner. I want to emphasize I will not retain any portion of the award. Transcript of August 6, 2009, p. 14, annexed as Exhibit I to Helen Chaitman’s Declaration in Support of her Motion of June 2, 2011for 313 Defendants Seeking Withdrawal of the Reference. App., infra, p. 6. (Emphasis added.)

In recent weeks, however, it has become known that Trustee Picard -- and perhaps his counsel David Sheehan also -- appears to have reached an arrangement with Baker & Hostetler under which he will obtain a percentage of the fees garnered in the Madoff case by Baker & Hostetler. A prominent lawyer for Madoff victims, Helen Chaitman, reported that a lawyer friendly with Picard informed her that Picard said his deal with Baker & Hostetler was that he would receive 50 percent of the fees taken in by the firm in the Madoff case. To no avail Chaitman informed the Bankruptcy Court by letter of May 31, 2001 that Picard might be receiving between 33 and 50 percent of the fees obtained by Baker & Hostetler. (App., infra, p. 7.) The next day, at a hearing before Bankruptcy Judge Lifland, Mr. Sheehan lambasted Ms. Chaitman for raising the matter (Tr. of Hearing of June 1, 2011, pp. 28-29 (App., infra, pp. 11-12.)), said her allegations reflected ignorance of law firm economics, and said that under her claims Baker & Hostetler would be “getting zero.” (Tr. of Hearing, pp. 28, 29, (App., infra, pp. 11-12.)) Trustee Picard then accused Ms. Chaitman of making an “unfounded allegation about my compensation” and said “She is way off the mark. I don’t receive any percentage near thirty-five or fifty percent.” (Tr. of Hearing, p. 32 (App., infra, p. 13.)) When Ms. Chaitman rose to address the Court, Judge Lifland lambasted Ms. Chaitman for raising the matter, and he did so again at the end of the hearing. (Tr. of Hearing, pp. 39, 46-48 (App., infra, pp. 15, 16-18.))

Regardless of the criticisms levied at Ms. Chaitman by Sheehan, Picard and Judge Lifland, it appears that Picard implicitly admitted that he is receiving some percentage of the fees obtained by Baker & Hostetler. That is the plain implication of Picard’s statement to the Bankruptcy Judge that Ms. Chaitman’s claim that he receives 33 to 50 percent of Baker & Hostetler’s fees “is way off the mark. I don’t receive any percentage near thirty-five or fifty percent.” Well, what percentage does he receive? Even a “mere” ten percent would be worth in nearly 18 million dollars already and likely would ultimately be worth several score of millions of dollars.

The percentage Picard receives, and the percentage that Sheehan possibly receives, are not known. There must be discovery to determine such details of the arrangements between Picard and Baker & Hostetler (and Sheehan and Baker & Hostetler too). For Picard, aided by Sheehan, is participating in very unusual governmental and quasi-governmental decisions that are denying a total of billions of dollars to thousands of people. He may even be making these unusual decisions by himself if certain statements made by the Chairwoman of the SEC and the President of SIPC (and cited in Helen Chaitman’s Memorandum In Support of Withdrawal of the Reference, at p.16) are to be believed. (Picard, of course, denies this.) The decisions he has been making have already included such crucial ones as the decision to measure net equity by cash-in/cash-out (CICO) instead of by the final statement method (FSM) though this has never or almost never been done previously in hundreds of SIPC cases, and the decision to seek clawbacks from hundreds or thousands of persons whom the Trustee concedes are completely innocent, even though this too apparently has never been done before in SIPC cases. These two unusual decisions alone have and will continue to produce scores of millions of dollars in fees for Baker & Hostetler because they reduce the money SIPC owes to innocent investors (by billions of dollars), increase the monies the Trustee will get from innocent investors (again by billions of dollars), are therefore being fought tooth and nail by innocent investors, some of whom are employing major law firms, and are thus running up, by scores of millions of dollars, the fees obtained by Baker & Hostetler in carrying out Picard’s decisions and, accordingly, are likewise vastly running up the amount of such fees to be turned over to Trustee Picard and perhaps to David Sheehan. Had the Trustee not decided, very unusually, to use CICO and demand clawbacks, the fees received by Baker & Hostetler, and thus by the Trustee under his agreement with Baker & Hostetler, would have been incomparably lower -- one might estimate as much as 60 or 80 percent lower.

What we have here, then, is not a run of the mill SIPC case in which a law firm for which a Trustee has worked for years will make somewhat more or somewhat less depending on the vagaries inherent in any SIPC liquidation. Rather, what we have here, as existed in Caperton and in cases it cited on the point, is an exceptional situation. It is a situation in which the Trustee changed law firms in order to get the case, apparently received extraordinarily lucrative financial arrangements from his new firm, and then made or participated in making very important and perhaps wholly novel legal decisions which have increased not only his new firm’s fees by scores of millions, but also his own compensation too by, apparently, tens or scores of millions of dollars that will be turned over to him by the firm. In these exceptional circumstances, the fact that, in the run of the mill SIPC case, a firm’s fees will fluctuate with the vagaries of the case is irrelevant, just as in Caperton it was irrelevant that in most cases there will be nothing wrong with the fact that lawyers contribute to judges’ election campaigns. In an exceptional case like this one there is a violation, in a wholesale way, of the principles, established in the Tumey through Caperton line of cases, that a governmental decisionmaker should not have a financial interest in his decisions; that even the possible temptation created by such an interest cannot be countenanced, so that it is not necessary to determine whether personal financial interest was or was not the spring of action; and that the legal decisions made by persons with such an interest cannot be allowed to stand lest adversely affected individuals believe they have been victimized by the decisionmakers -- which is precisely what hundreds or thousands of persons defrauded by Madoff believe has been their fate at the hands of the Trustee.

4. The Trustee’s Arguments Against Application Of The Tumey-Caperton Line Of Cases Are Invalid.

There are a number of arguments the Trustee self evidently can be expected to make in opposition to application of the Tumey-Caperton line of cases. He mentioned two of them in passing before Bankruptcy Judge Lifland at the hearing on June 1, when he said “I am not a decisionmaker for SIPC. And I am not a quasi-governmental agency or act in a quasi-governmental capacity.” (Tr. of June 1, 2011, pp. 32-33 (App., infra, pp. 13-14.))

To begin with the Trustee is not just the SIPC Trustee but is conjointly the Bankruptcy Trustee. His demands for clawbacks are made as Bankruptcy Trustee under provisions of the Bankruptcy Code. As Bankruptcy Trustee, Mr. Picard is not a “mere” quasi-governmental body; he is, rather, an officer of the Court -- a full fledged governmental figure. As ruled by the Supreme Court, “Trustees in bankruptcy are public officers and officers of a court.” Callaghan v. Reconstruction Finance Corporation, 297 U.S. 464, 468 (1936).

The same would appear to be true of the Trustee in his capacity as SIPC Trustee, under which he made or participated in the extraordinarily unusual decision to define net equity by the CICO method rather than by the final statement method. For here too he was appointed by the Court in exactly the same way as he was appointed Bankruptcy Trustee, at exactly the same time, to fulfill functions which, just like the bankruptcy provisions he enforces as Bankruptcy Trustee, are imposed by federal statute.

If the Trustee were not a full fledged governmental officer, he would at minimum be a quasi-governmental officer. For he was selected by, is paid by, and works on behalf of a quasi-governmental body, SIPC. SIPC’s quasi-governmental character was stressed in a report by the highly regarded Congressional Research Service.

The CRS explained several reasons why SIPC is a quasi-governmental body.
Of the seven-member board of directors, one is appointed by the Secretary of the Treasury from among the Department’s officers and employees; one is appointed by members of the Federal Reserve Board from among its officers and employees; five directors are appointed by the President subject to the advice and consent of the Senate. The President designates the chairman, who is also the corporation’s chief executive officer.

(Report, p. 20 (App., infra, p. 20.)) The CRS further said in regard to SIPC’s quasi-governmental nature that SIPC is “effectively a subsidiary of the SEC. The Corporation’s bylaws are subject to the SEC’s adoption or rejection . . . . [T]o the extent that the bylaws and rules of the SIPC are approved or disapproved by the SEC, they are subject to the Administrative Procedure Act (5 U.S.C. 551 et seq.). The corporation also has borrowing authority and a line of credit from the Treasury.” Id.

SIPC, said the CRS, is “a hybrid organization” created “to implement government policies and regulations. Ultimately, the SPIC (sic) and the PCAOB are agents of and accountable to the government through the SEC.” (Id.) (Emphasis added.)

Thus, the Trustee, who is selected by an agent of the government, paid by an agent of the government, works on behalf of this agent, by his own repeated admission seeks to protect the finances of this agent of the government, and makes or participates in making the legal decisions for this agent of the government, is at minimum a quasi-governmental functionary.

In further denial of quasi-governmental status, the Trustee, as said, stated in open court on June 1 that “I am not a decision maker for SIPC.” (Tr. of Hearing, p. 32. (App., infra, p. 13.)) Given his exceptionally prominent role for 2½ years in the Madoff case, his announcement and vigorous implementation of highly unusual policies, and statements by SIPC and SEC officials stressing the importance of his role, the idea that the Trustee does not make, or at minimum participate extensively and importantly in, decisions which carry out SIPC’s role appears ludicrous on its face. If the Trustee seriously wishes to maintain this facially ludicrous position, there must be discovery into the way that decisions (such as those involving net equity and clawbacks) have actually been made in this case, and this Court should order the necessary discovery.

The Trustee is also likely to claim that he is not subject to the Tumey-Caperton line of cases because others, particularly including courts, review his decisions. But this reasoning has been rejected twice by the Supreme Court, in Ward v. Monroeville (409 U.S. at 61-62) and Gibson v. Berryhill (411 U.S. at 580). Thus, in Ward the Court said that the fact the mayor’s decision on violations “can be corrected on appeal and trial de novo in the County Court of Common Pleas” did not make the system of mayoral trials constitutional “because the State eventually offers’” an impartial adjudication.” Rather, the defendant was entitled “in the first instance” to a decisionmaker who was “neutral and detached.” 409 .S. at 61-62.

In the Madoff case, decisions of the most enormous consequence -- and often wholly destructive financial consequence -- to thousands of individuals have been made and implemented by the Trustee. These decisions were not made by a person who is “neutral and detached,” but by a person who stood to make tens or scores of millions of dollars because of the decisions. As the Supreme Court said, this cannot be justified on the ground that erroneous decisions could be corrected later by courts (after individuals have been devastated for years -- sometimes rendered penniless -- by the Trustee’s decisions).

Relatedly, the Trustee is very likely to claim that the Tumey-Caperton line of cases must be confined to situations in which persons are acting as judges in some way, and that he is not doing so. This is not a tenable position. The essence of the Supreme Court’s line of cases is that governmental legal decisions must be made by persons who do not have a financial stake in the decisions. That is why the Supreme Court has repeatedly stressed that the principle of no financial interest extends beyond direct sharing in fees and costs, extends even to quite small financial interests, and is intended to insure there is no “possible temptation to the average man” that “might lead him not to hold the balance nice, clear and true.” The principle of no financial interest is a principle of clean government (of government that is different from many of those we deal with elsewhere in the world, e.g., the Middle East). Were the principle confined to those acting as a judge, then, for example, a city solicitor could permissibly make a legal ruling (e.g., a decision on real estate matters) because he or she would receive extensive financial benefit from the ruling but not from a contrary one, or an attorney general, state or federal, could take one legal position rather than another because he or she would benefit financially from the one taken but not from the one rejected. This is simply not an admissible interpretation of the Tumey-Caperton line of cases, since it would allow governmental legal decisions to be made by and in the interests of the financially interested, often to the detriment of large numbers of citizens, as in the Madoff case.

CONCLUSION

Though discovery is needed to fully flesh out the Trustee’s financial arrangements with Baker & Hostetler in regard to the Madoff case, enough is known already to make it appear that the Trustee’s arrangements put him in serious violation of the Tumey-Caperton line of cases. Because of the violation, the Trustee cannot be allowed to continue in the case, nor can the law firm which fostered the violation for its own financial benefit remain in the case. (With regard to its financial benefit, one notes that its fees thus far are between 175 and 180 million dollars, and are expected to eventually total somewhere in the neighborhood of a billion dollars.) The Trustee and the firm are tainted by the violations they fostered.

As well, the decisions of the Trustee must be revisited by a new and completely independent Trustee, so that the crucial decisions in the case will be made by an official who does not have a financial interest in them. The one exception to revisiting the decisions may ultimately be the decision to use CICO. That decision was argued in court by the Trustee mainly on the basis that CICO was permissible, not that it was mandatory. But at times there were overtones of mandatoriness. If the Second Circuit were to rule that either CICO or the FSM are mandatory, then the Trustee’s decision for CICO could not be revisited by a new Trustee. But if the appeals court were to rule that a Trustee is free to use either CICO or the FSM at his or her discretion, then the decision for CICO should be revisited by a new, independent Trustee because he or she might decide differently than did the present Trustee, who will benefit personally to the tune of millions or scores of millions of dollars from the decision to use CICO.

Finally, this Court should order discovery into the financial arrangements between the Trustee and Baker & Hostetler, and, if the Trustee continues to deny his decisiomaking role, into the process of decisonmaking involving the Trustee and SIPC.

Respectfully submitted,
Lawrence R. Velvel, Esq.

Dated: June 17, 2011

Monday, April 04, 2011

Discursive Comments On The Oral Argument In The Court of Appeals In The Madoff Case On March 3, 2011. Part 5.

April 4, 2011

Discursive Comments On The Oral Argument In The Court of Appeals
In The Madoff Case On March 3, 2011.

PART 5


Next up was Helen Chaitman for rebuttal. Before detailing her argument, let me describe some events that preceded the oral argument.

As said at the beginning of this essay, the question of who would argue for us was very contentious. Roughly two or two and one-half weeks before the oral argument, Helen asked me whether I would give up to her any claim I possessed to time to argue. I said I would be happy to do so if, as part of her presentation, she would agree to give a short oral argument on legislative intent that I had drafted and, on February 4th, had sent to the controlling group of NYC lawyers who were running the show. Helen agreed to this, and I notified the NYC group of our agreement. And, since legislative intent has been spoken of so much here, let me now set forth the draft argument that I wrote on this subject. Barring interruptions, the argument takes between three and four minutes to deliver orally. (Our side had a total of 20 minutes.)

The legislative history is dispositive in favor of the appellants. For the hearings, the reports and, very importantly, the scores of floor statements on the 1970 Act and the 1978 Amendments reveal Congressional intent completely at odds with the use of CICO. These Congressional statements, particularly the scores of statements on the floor which the Trustee, SIPC and the Court below do not mention, repeatedly make clear:

• That the purpose of SIPC is to protect small investors -- who are here being devastated even when innocent;

• By protecting small investors, confidence and investment in markets were to be built;

• That the reasonable expectations of investors are to be satisfied;

• That account statements and confirmations are the measure of reasonable expectations and net equity, especially because the change to holding securities in street name left investors no other way to know their holdings;

• That investors are to be paid promptly, which is inherently impossible under CICO because of the need to reconstruct complex accounts over many years;

• That investors are to receive securities where they can be acquired in a fair and orderly market, as can be done here where the securities are S&P 100 stocks that can be acquired in blocs over time. SIPC ignores this requirement, though it was a “principal purpose” and “essential feature” of the 1978 amendments;

• That investors are to be protected against theft, which occurred here on a massive scale;

• That SIPA creates an insurance program modeled after the FDIC. Here counsel for the Trustee has stated that Senators who made this point did not know what they are talking about, saying “They are wrong . . . .”

The legislative history comprised of scores of statements on the floor revealing Congressional intent are nowhere cited by the Trustee, SIPC or the SEC. Yet the statements were by many of the leading Senators and Congressmen of the 1960s through the 1980s: by two men who ran for President, Senator Muskie and Congressman John Anderson, by legislators prominent with regard to economic, financial and tax matters, such as Senators Cranston, Harrison Williams, and Proximire, and Congressman Rostenkowski, and by other leading legislators such as Senators Hartke and Bennet and Representatives Staggers, Eckhardt, Moss and Boland. Identical statements were made by President Nixon and Secretary of the Treasury Kennedy.

The statements of the Senators and Representatives cannot be ignored without substituting the intent of SIPC and the Trustee for the intent of Congress. For the actions and desires of SIPC and the Trustee are antithetical to the points made by leading Senators and Congressmen (as well as by President Nixon and Secretary Kennedy). Little wonder SIPC and the Trustee never mention the statements of Senators and Representatives.

For the convenience of this Court, the relevant statements in the hearings, in the Congressional reports, and on the floor of the House and Senate are collected in the brief of Appellant Lawrence Velvel, with the relevant pages set forth in their entirety in the Addendum to his brief.

In conclusion, let me add that the decision below was a summary judgment on which no discovery from SIPC or the Trustee was allowed even when crucial discovery was requested and would have been followed by further crucial discovery. Examples are discovery on whether a deficiency of money in the SIPC fund was one reason for the use of CICO notwithstanding its ravaging of Congressional intent, and discovery on why investors’ accounts were not credited with at least half a billion dollars of earnings from short term Treasuries and money market funds. The decision below must be reversed because of a denial of all discovery even were the decision otherwise to be upheld.

As made clear many times in this essay, I think the foregoing argument on legislative intent is the key to this case. Others don’t, including, I believe, two of our oral advocates. The argument was not delivered.

What happened, I at least believe, was this: It was finally decided who the advocates for our side were going to be. After hearing about a moot court held on March 1st, and that Helen was doing the rebuttal, I wrote the group to express my best wishes and to say that, although Helen told me she would make the points about the legislative history on rebuttal if at all possible, I knew that this might not prove possible due to the unforeseeable exigencies of rebuttal, and that I hoped the legislative history would be presented by one of our other two advocates. It wasn’t. And because of the exigencies of rebuttal, where she had to fill a lot of holes, Helen, who had only six minutes if I remember correctly, had no time to present it on rebuttal either.

So, in short, I agreed to a deal which was not carried out because other advocates were not, I think, enamored of the point and, Helen, being the “rebuttalist” and having to desperately try to fill holes, had no time to carry it out. If any of this is wrong, I am willing to stand corrected.

But what I do hope is wrong is my view that the legislative intent is the key to winning the case, a view I believe not shared by certain colleagues, and that was not presented to the Court. One can only hope that we win without having presented the legislative history to the Court (except for a very few comments made by Helen Chaitman on the run so to speak (because she lacked time).

Let me turn now to Chaitman’s rebuttal argument. She began by saying she represents roughly 500 victims, some of whom began investing with Madoff in the 1960s and some in the 1980s. The Trustee she said is “tak[ing] the position that no statement that my clients received over a period of up to 50 years is binding, because the Trustee, ignoring the Statute of Limitations, is netting out deposits and withdrawals going back 50 years. There is no basis in the law to do that.” (Tr. 72.) “If you look at New Times,” she continued, the Court there “recognized that the purpose of SIPA” was to protect investors -- who were giving up the right to obtain security certificates (because SIPA was part of the movement to holding securities in street name) -- by giving them up to $500,000 in insurance (from the SIPC fund). (Tr. 72-73.) The SIPC fund is thus different from the customer property fund, although “It was Congress that decided that a customer’s net equity claim would be determined for both purposes in exactly the same way.” (Tr. 73.) But “Congress didn’t say that any SIPC Trustee has the right in his discretion to determine whether that’s the fair way. It’s not a question of fair.” (Tr. 73.)

Helen’s brief opening was very important. It is a serious shame that her points were not developed previously and that she had no choice but to put them so quickly and with so little explication. She was pointing out that there are people who were Madoff investors for nearly 50 or nearly 30 years, but who woke up one day to find that the Trustee refused to honor statements they had received for over four decades or for three decades. That in itself is preposterous. It is only the more preposterous because time and again the SEC investigated Madoff, repeatedly gave him a clean bill of health, specifically made a public statement in the Wall Street Journal in 1992 that there was no fraud, and many people relied on the SEC’s repeated clean bills of health and its 1992 statement. Yet SIPC, the Trustee, and the SEC, all of whom are supposed to be protecting victims, are instead deeply injuring people who relied for decades on statements and on the SEC’s investigations. I repeat: This is preposterous, and the Trustee cannot have discretion to do such a thing. As for the Trustee’s claim that what he is doing is fair, in reality he is substituting his view for Congress’ view of what should be done, as Helen was saying.

Not to mention that customers were given insurance of up to $500,000 because they were surrendering the right to physically obtain their securities as proof of owning them, and would have to be able to depend on brokers’ statements to show ownership of securities held in street name. It has always been implicit in the street name argument, but I have never seen it actually said (maybe it goes without saying), that the Madoff fraud would not have been possible if Madoff had had to deliver stock certificates to investors. For he had no certificates to deliver and would have been exposed instantly. As a practical matter, SIPA made street name holdings possible, to the great benefit of Wall Street, but now the administrators of SIPA are trying to screw over those whose securities are necessarily held in street name.

Chaitman was then asked by Judge Jacobs whether, if we had cash claims here, not securities claims, the Trustee could permissibly consider what was withdrawn and what was deposited. Helen said no; the Trustee must still use the last statement because it is irrelevant whether the securities were ever purchased. The statute, she said, “was enacted precisely for a situation where the broker didn’t purchase the securities.” (Tr. 74.) She was right. The legislative history specifically says, in a number of places, that the statute covers the situation of theft or loss of securities. This point too should have been made earlier in our side’s argument, and often.

Judge Raggi responded that the Trustee says “the reality of a Ponzi scheme, for purposes of a payout that’s going to be treating net equity the same whether it’s the customer account or the SIPA fund, is that one customer’s profits can only be a function of another customer’s loss. Do you want to respond to that argument and why you don’t think it ought to inform our decision here today?” Chaitman said, “I think it can’t inform your decision because we have a statute which defines net equity as what is owed to the customer. And 8B provides that the Trustee should look at the books and records to determine what is owed to the customer. What is owed to the customer is the balance on the customer’s account.” (Tr. 74-75.) She continued that Charles Ponzi’s scheme occurred in the 1920s, it was well known to Congress when it enacted SIPA, and “If they had wanted to make a Ponzi scheme exception, they would have put it in the statute. There is no exception for a broker who decides to not buy securities for all of his customers. There is no exception for a broker who buys and sells, rather than buys and holds. The contemplation was to provide a limited amount of protection to a customer, just like FDIC insurance. When President Nixon signed the statute into law, he said, I am signing a statute which will provide to securities customers the same kind of protection that the FDIC provides to bank depositers. Can you imagine a liquidator of a bank coming into this Court and saying, I’m only going to pay up to $250,000 based on the net investment in a bank deposit going back 50 years? I’m going to eliminate all interest on which that depositer has paid taxes? That’s the situation we have here.” (Tr. 75.)

These points were also very important. That the statute defines net equity as what is owed to the customer has been discussed previously. And the ideas that Congress knew all about Charles Ponzi, could have but did not make an exception for a Ponzi scheme or for a failure to buy securities, and could have made an exception for situations of buying and selling instead of buying and holding, are very important ideas which should have been brought up by our side much earlier. So too -- and especially -- the idea that Nixon said SIPA provided “customers the same kind of protection that the FDIC provides to bank depositers,” and that it would be unthinkable for the FDIC to act as SIPC is acting here. I can only wonder (in amazement) that our attorneys did not stress all these things early and often, and one can only hope that the Court grasped their full import though Helen appeared to have to race through them because of the number of holes she had to plug on rebuttal in so little time.

At that point Helen made the following comment. “I would ask the Court to consider what SIPC is really doing is saving approximately $1 billion because the number of customers whose claims have not been allowed based on this net investment hearing, who coincidentally are all the people who were the long-term investors, like my 91-year-old client who retired in 1970 and took mandatory IRA withdrawals out of his account for 21 years. Of course he took out more money than he put in. But that’s the purpose that people invest in the stock market.” (Tr. 76.) It was trenchant to say that of course long term investors -- old people, sometimes in their 90s -- took out more than they put in, for that is the purpose of investing. Implicit, but I hope clear to the Court, was the point that the Trustee and SIPC are vitiating one of the very purposes of being in the stock market. It is hard to imagine what could be more contrary -- to Congress’ desire to promote investing in the market -- than to vitiate a basic purpose of such investing.

Judge Jacobs then asked Helen to respond to the Trustee’s argument that “SIPA just provides you an advance on what you will be entitled to in the bankruptcy proceedings, and that in the bankruptcy proceedings there’s not going to be any payday based on these hypothetical investments?” (Tr. 76.) Helen replied that the statute requires SIPC to “promptly replace the securities in a customer’s account, not two years after $200 million have been spent on forensic accountants. Promptly replace the securities. The legislative history indicates the purpose is, get that investor right back in the stock market. This is an investor who gave up the right to certificated securities which benefited the Wall Street firms which were funding the SIPC insurance. It’s not a question that SIPC doesn’t have the obligation to make the advance unless and until it’s satisfied that it will be repaid on its subrogation claim. That’s nowhere in the statute. It’s simply like any other insurance company to the extent that they pay, they stand in the shoes of the insured, once the insured is paid in full. But that SIPC advance has to be made promptly. That word is throughout the statute. And this is what Congress intended. This is a remedial statute to compensate victims who rely upon a broker’s obligation to purchase securities reflected on his statement.” (Tr. 76-77 (emphases added).)

Helen’s answer was both correct and clever, even if perhaps somewhat opaque (which was understandable in the hurried circumstances). As I understand it, she was saying that because there must be prompt payment from the SIPC fund in order to accomplish the legislative purpose of getting the investor right back into the market, you cannot wait to see what will ultimately be available from customer property before paying victims their advance of up to $500,000 from the SIPC fund. So in reality, the advance is not an advance on customer property. The putative “advance” from the SIPC fund would have to be given, and given promptly, even if there ultimately proved to be not one dollar of customer property. This is what Congress intended. “This is a remedial statute to compensate victims who rely upon a broker’s obligation to purchase securities reflected on his statement.” (Tr. 77.)

Helen’s position receives further support in the legislative history, which was covered in a footnote at pages 15-16 of this writer’s brief-in-chief to the Second Circuit but which I do not recollect being covered elsewhere. (Am I wrong?) For simplicity’s sake I shall simply set forth the footnote from the brief:

Because SIPA established an insurance fund, the SIPC fund was intended to be separate from the fund of “customer property.” Thus, the 1977 House Report emphasized the distinction between customer property and the SIPC fund by saying that a customer “may file a claim against the general estate to the extent that his net equity exceeds his share of customer property plus SIPC protection, (Addnd., p. 65) (emphasis added). The Report quoted Chairman Owns of SIPC as follows: “In order to protect customers of failed broker/dealers against financial loss and, thereby, restore investor confidence in the securities markets, Congress passed the 1970 Act. That statute, which was signed into law on December 30, 1970, created SIPC and established a program whereby monies from the SIPC Fund would be available for the purpose of protecting customers of broker/dealer firms which encountered financial difficulty.” (Addnd., p. 66.) Chairman Owens of SIPC said, in the 1978 Senate Hearings, that “customer property, briefly explained, consists of all cash and securities (other than SIPC advances and customer name securities) available to the trustee for the satisfaction of customer claims.” (Addnd., p. 76 (emphasis added).) The 1978 Senate Report reiterated that “A customer may file a claim against the general estate to the extent that his net equity exceeds his share of customer property plus SIPC protection.” (Addnd., p. 81) (emphasis added).) The Senate Report also said the legislation “provides that all cash and securities, exclusive of SIPC advances . . . shall be deemed to be customer property.” (Addnd., p. 83 (emphasis added).)

The final colloquy of the oral argument began with Judge Raggi saying, “Let me ask you the question that we’ve dealt with with other counsel” (a statement which may in part reflect the fact, discussed at the very beginning of this essay, that our side did not divide up the argument by issues). (Tr. 77) Raggi continued that the books and records provision “says that you pay those obligations only to the extent they’re ascertainable from the books and records of the debtor or otherwise established to the satisfaction of the Trustee. When the Trustee goes into these books and records he finds out that there was never any transaction done on a particular day. Rather, it was post hoc representations that transactions had been done in order to relay profits that had never been realized, and that that is not really a securities transaction. So, to that extent it’s not finding a net equity position in that. Why isn’t that within the Trustee’s discretion?” (Tr. 77-78 (emphasis added).)

What Raggi was bringing up, at bottom, was the question of whether the Trustee has discretion to decide that CICO should be used instead of the FSM. Helen’s answer was that “the Trustee has an obligation to honor the net equity, which is the obligation of the broker . . . .” (Tr. 78 (emphasis added).) To which Judge Raggi responded that this is true only “insofar as these two things are satisfied” (Tr. 78), by which I think she meant that the obligation is ascertainable from the books and records or is otherwise established to the satisfaction of the Trustee. Chaitman’s trenchant reply was, “There’s nothing in the books and records of Madoff that indicates that he doesn’t owe to each investor the November 30th, 2008 account balance.” (Tr. 78 (emphasis added).) What Helen was alluding to, I believe, is that, as was established earlier in the oral argument, Madoff owed each investor what was shown in the statement and would have had to pay each investor that amount if sued for fraud. QED.

Raggi replied, however, that Madoff’s purported transactions were “reported after the fact and concocted because it was profitable.” (Tr. 78.) This is riskless and accordingly is different from the situation where “the customer takes a risk.” (Id.) Chaitman's answer was that the situation is exactly the same as in New Times, where there was “no evidence in the debtor’s books and records that the customers whose statement showed existing securities, that the debtor had ever purchased those securities. It’s exactly the same thing here. And there is nothing in this record which indicates that any of the prices for the securities were invalid. If someone in 1960 bought IBM stock and sold it and then bought it again and sold it and bought it again, it would have appreciated in value. There is no reason to disallow -- ” (Tr. 79.) I would add, with regard to risk, that, as said earlier, the victims didn’t know they had no risk: they thought they had risk.

Raggi responded to the last part of Helen’s statement with the cynicism that “That’s like my telling you today that ten years ago I bought Intel and then I would have a huge profit in it.” (Tr. 79.)

Chaitman replied by beginning a well taken defense of the victims’ conduct, saying “How can a customer -- the people standing before you invested in Madoff through seven investigations conducted by the SEC of Mr. Madoff over an 18-year period. If the SEC -- ” (Tr. 79.) Before Helen could present the horrendous negligence/incompetence of the SEC, the agency on which so many victims relied, Judge Raggi interjected that “There’s not a suggestion that your clients are in any way culpable for this. The question, though, is whether or not the Trustee in paying pursuant to this statute has some discretion about how to calculate net equity.” (Tr. 79.)

This interjection caused Helen to have to turn away from bringing out some or all of the very important points that the SEC missed Madoff’s fraud in approximately six investigations, that victims who are small people rather than being huge institutions with the resources to do extensive due diligence could not be expected to know or find out what the SEC missed, and that victims relied on the SEC, which time and again gave Madoff a clean bill of health, even saying publicly in 1992 that there was no fraud. Instead of being able to say some or all of these things, Chaitman had to answer Judge Raggi’s question whether the Trustee had discretion. She said he had none, and continued on with what I think are some of the more important points made by our side at the oral argument. She said the Trustee had no discretion “for purposes of the SIPC payment. The SIPC payment has to be based upon the last statement. There is a provision in SIPA which says that SIPC cannot change the definition of net equity. That’s how important this definition was to Congress. In order to induce confidence in the capital market so that people would give up the requirement of holding certificated securities. And there is nothing in the statute which says it only protects customers who have a buy and hold strategy or customers who fail to delegate to their manager or their broker the right to invest in his discretion. There is no limitation in the statute. So it covers every one of these Madoff investors who had a legitimate expectation that they owned the securities on their statements.” (Tr. 79-80.)

This statement, as indicated, made crucially important points -- points which should have been made early in our argument. Chaitman said that under a specific statutory provision, SIPC cannot change the definition of net equity, a definition of great important to Congress. She said this was so -- at least as I understand the transcript -- because Congress wanted to create confidence in markets -- one of our side’s few allusions to all-important Congressional intent -- so that people would agree not to receive physical securities (and would instead agree to a street name system). She said the statute says nothing indicating that it protects only those investors who follow a buy and hold strategy instead of giving their brokers discretionary authority to buy and sell, an authority that so many do give to brokers. And she said the statute covers every Madoff investor who legitimately expected, as all innocent investors did, that they owned the securities shown on their statements.

Chaitman’s statement was the end of the oral argument.

* * * * *

Because this essay took a godawful long time to complete, and was therefore posted in installments, during the course of the posts a couple of victims emailed to ask what is my assessment of our chances of victory. It is very difficult to say. My assessment is that the oral argument was very close, perhaps 52-48 or 55-45 in our favor, but who can say really? The Court was plumbing what it considered the weaknesses in each side’s arguments, and who can really say how the judges feel about the explanations each side offered.

My own two major impressions are ones stated earlier. The first is that our side’s failure to stress, or even mention Congressional intent -- which the other side has for practical purposes never mentioned because the intent is so adverse to its position! -- was a mistake of the first magnitude. A close colleague, whose opinion I respect greatly, believes the failure to stress Congressional intent on oral argument will not matter. He feels the Court will read about it fully in the brief this writer filed. Because briefs filed by other lawyers were dealing so extensively with other matters, my brief took an unusual tack. It ignored other matters (except for the need for discovery into why SIPC and the Trustee chose CICO, discovery of whether this was done in defiance of Congressional intent in order to save SIPC from financial difficulties or even bankruptcy), and simply presented all the relevant statements in the Congressional history from 1970 to 1978, importantly including the floor statements by Senators and Congressmen. My colleague believes the Court, its clerks and its relevant staff members will read the brief (and presumably the attached addendum containing the relevant pages from the Congressional Record, from hearings, and from Congressional Reports). To my concern that this might not happen, he replies that it will happen because the Second Circuit, he says, is the nation’s most prestigious Court of Appeals, with the most competent law clerks and staff. This answer sounds to me like local New York provincialism, of exactly the same kind that one often reads of and hears of coming from Washington, D.C., where it is regularly proclaimed that the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia is the most important federal Court of Appeals in the land, as shown by the fact that a number of its judges have been elevated to the Supreme Court (Ginsberg, Scalia, Roberts, Thomas. And Bork was nominated.) So parochialism about one’s local Court of Appeals (wherever it is) does not impress me. And I note, with regard to the claim that the Second Circuit will read and heed the Congressional intent, that the Circuit did not so much as mention the Congressional intent at the oral argument, that Judge Raggi made a remark implicitly disparaging its importance, and that it is hard to think that the Court will pay attention to it or properly think it crucial when our oral advocates did not think enough of it to mention it on oral argument (except for Helen’s brief allusion to it), and when it is the focus of only one party’s briefing, with that party not being one of the big shot New York City law firms but only a New England lawyer unknown to the Court. Maybe my colleague will prove correct, and maybe my skepticism will prove unfounded, as I surely hope, but I will believe it when I see it.

My second major impression is of the dire need to hire a true appellate expert -- presumably a major Supreme Court lawyer who also does extensive work in the federal courts of appeal -- to participate extensively in the writing of future appellate papers and to make the oral arguments on appeal. I extensively commented early-on in this essay on the terrible shortcomings that resulted when this was not done, and on the upcoming events for which it would be essential -- for a possible rehearing en banc sought by one side or the other on the net equity question, for a petition to the Supreme Court, by either side, for a hearing there on the net equity question, and for appellate arguments on other crucial issues (especially omnibus issues) which will be briefed and argued in the Bankruptcy Court this Spring and Summer. The hiring of a qualified, prestigious appellate counsel to represent us on Court of Appeals and Supreme Court matters seems to me to be a first order of business if the victims who have been reading this essay want to see their chances of success maximized rather than lessened.

Of course, maybe I’m all wrong. Maybe, despite the shortcomings I’ve alluded to, we will win on net equity in the Court of Appeals and/or, even without special, qualified appellate counsel, we will win on net equity in the Supreme Court too. And maybe, even without hiring special, qualified appellate counsel, we will win on other issues too in the Court of Appeals and the Supreme Court. All I can say is that after decades of observation and experience, including a stretch spent helping to prepare lawyers for oral arguments in the Supreme Court, I believe the victims’ chances will be much better if experienced, qualified appellate/Supreme Court advocates are hired. This is a matter which, I think, should concern every victim, because every victim (myself included) has so much at stake.